RBA bows to financial market pressure and boost bank profits at the expense of low-income mortgage holders

The Reserve Bank of Australia (RBA) increased the policy rate by 0.25 points on Tuesday and claimed that it was because the inflationary outlook was in danger of accelerating out of control as a result of excessive demand pressures. This followed last week’s CPI release which showed the December increase to be 0.96 points. When we examine that increase more closely, we find that 97.6 per cent of the December rise in the All Groups CPI was due to ‘Holiday travel and accommodation’ (most associated with Xmas and the one-off Ashes cricket series) – 70.9 per cent was due to International holiday travel and accommodation and 26.6 per cent due to Domestic holiday travel and accommodation. It is nigh on impossible to construct that as an economy that is ‘bursting at its seams’, notwithstanding all the lurid contributions from the RBA cheer squad in the media, who seem to spend their professional lives repeating press releases from organisations like the RBA, without giving them any due diligence. The reality is the RBA has bowed to pressure from the financial markets and rewarded the demands for higher rates from bank economists, who work for institutions that profit from such rises. Such is the state of macroeconomic policy in Australia.

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Japan goes to an election accompanied by a very confused economic debate

These notes will serve as part of a briefing document that I will send off to some interested parties in Japan. Japan is about to go to the poll for a snap national election on February 8. The recently installed Prime Minister, Ms Takaichi is betting that her recent solid showing in the polls will allow her to capture more seats in the Diet and reduce or even eliminate her dependency on the ‘uncomfortable’ coalition partner, the Japan Innovation Party (JIP) aka Ishin. That coalition was formed after Mr Ishiba, the previous PM, also bet on a snap election result, which saw the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) go backwards (losing 68 seats) and the coalition partner Komeito also lose seats. Together the ruling coalition lost its majority in the National Diet (for the first time since 2009) and Shigeru Ishiba’s popularity began to evaporate. The background to that loss was a major political funding scandal among the Cabinet ministers and the election result signalled that the Japanese people had seemingly had enough of the corruption at the top. Ms Takaichi took over after Mr Ishiba could no longer sustain his position as PM. The old coalition between the LDP and Komeito fell apart because the Buddhist Komeito could no longer stomach the new PMs imperialist ideology nor her unwillingness to deal with he insidious corruption in her party. This forced Ms Takaichi to forge a new coalition – hence the rather unlikely pairing with Ishin, which is a right wing populist party espousing neoliberal economic policies. The government is proposing a major fiscal expansion but the debate during the campaign that is now underway is very confused. The confusion arises because all the main players keep wheeling out mainstream economic arguments that tie them up into nonsensical policy proposals.

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When contraction is called expansion – Japanese government style

Well my holiday is over. Not that I had one! This morning we submitted the manuscript to the publisher for the Second Edition of our Macroeconomics text, which will come out later this year. Finishing a massive project like that is always non-linear – the last few months are hideous – checking everything and filling gaps. Anyway, that was the Xmas break. And as the New Year starts, one always hopes that humanity learns from the mistakes of the previous year. In economics, though, that is the hope of the forlorn. I read this morning’s Japan Times newspaper and lo and behold there are predictions of dire consequences as a result of the current Cabinet decision to shift focus away from pursuing a primary fiscal surplus to massaging the public debt ratio. The mainstream economists are arguing about the relative virtues of each and forecasting gloom. The reality is that neither target is worth attention. Meanwhile, the privatised rail companies are negotiating with communities for the closure of certain rail segments because they are loss making. All that discussion is about costs per passenger km, rather than satisfaction gained from bringing people together. The priorities are all wrong.

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Video – Japan at a Crossroads: Fiscal Policy, China, and the Growth

I have limited time today to write a blog post and last night I was sent a new video that I recently recorded with my research colleague at Kyoto University, Professor Fujii where we talk for some hours on the topic – Japan at a Crossroads: Fiscal Policy, China, and the Growth. It was a conversation we had via Zoom that was recorded on Friday, December 5, 2025. We reflect on recent developments in Japan and its relationship with other major countries (US, China, etc) and consider the policy challenges facing the new Takaichi Cabinet. It is a very long session. The transcript was generated by YouTube AI I believe and then edited and is not perfect. A lot of unnecessary aspects are edited out and the latter part of the transcript is really just an AI summary. But I think the record is acceptable. At times, the discussion changed from English to Japanese, where there was some ambiguity in terminology etc, and those segments have been cut from the transcript. I put in timestamps during the transcript to help you zoom into topics of interest. I hope you find something useful in our long discussion.

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Australian labour market – considerably weaker in November (not even close to full employment)

I should remind myself not to listen to the media (even the public broadcaster) when the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) releases the latest labour force data – Labour Force, Australia – for November 2025 – as it did today (December 11, 2025). The commentary immediately after that data release today was the exemplification of mainstream massaging of the truth. The ABC had some bank economist on telling the nation that the data showed that Australia was operating above capacity (over full employment) and interest rates would have to rise further to discipline inflation. He didn’t mention that his corporation would benefit from such rate rises via increased profits. He also failed to tell the listeners that while unemployment remained stable at 4.3 per cent (only because participation fell in the face of falling employment), underemployment rose further to 6.2 per cent (up 0.4 points), and the broad labour underutilisation rate rose to 10.5 per cent – think about that – 10.5 per cent of available and willing labour in Australia and this so-called expert thinks that is full employment requires unemployment to rise at least a further 0.2 points. Meaning is lost and neoliberal ideology and corporate-speak replaces it. Disgusting. The interviewer was also terrible and should be sacked for his mistakes and failure to hold the ‘expert’ to account. Such is the national broadcaster in Australia these days. The reality is that it is nonsensical to argue that Australia being close to full employment. Without the fall in the participation rate, the official unemployment rate would have been 4.63 per cent rather than its current official value of 4.3 per cent. The labour market is considerably weaker in November and there is substantial scope for more job creation given the slack that is present.

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British Labour’s obsession with fiscal rules is untenable and ignores the reality of the situation

I have been a consistent critic of the way in which the British Labour Party, both in opposition and in government, is obsessed with rigid fiscal rules, thinking it is the only way that it can demonstrate fiscal credibility (whatever that is in their minds). The result is that they get cornered into situations that either lead them to make poor decisions which lose them votes and give the likes of Nigel Farage more fuel for his crusade or they are forced to admit they cannot achieve the (unachievable) fiscal rules. Either way it is a clusterf*)@. In the last week or so, we have witnessed the ludicrous situation of the British Office of Budget Responsibility failing to protect its own file systems and leaking information before the Chancellor presented her official fiscal statement. The leaked information just happened to contradict the messaging of the Chancellor which was a bit inconvenient. But the important issue that all this raises is not whether OBR can run a secure WordPress site (evidently it cannot), but that the information it generates is so inaccurate and systematically biased that it cannot realistically be used as the basis for assessing fiscal policy. Which means that the obsession with the fiscal rules leads to policy changes that damage things that matter – such as employment and services – but those policy changes are based on information (OBR forecasts) that subsequent revelations tell us would not justify those policy shifts. As I said – clusterf8x@.

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Talk of a Plaza Accord 2.0 should heed the lessons of Plaza Accord 1.0

Pressure is building from the US for a Plaza Accord 2.0 as part of the US President’s attempts to ‘improve’ the US trade situation. I use the term ‘improve’ cautiously because the US President seems think that making it more difficult and expensive for US consumers and businesses to access imports from abroad is a benefit to the same. While Japan is being discussed in this frame, the real US target is China. However, it is unlikely that the US will be able to bully China into agreeing to a similar deal that the US effectively forced on to Japan and other nations under the Plaza Accord 1.0 in 1985. Further, the Plaza Accord 1.0 was extremely disruptive – some say it caused the asset price bubble in Japan, which led to the secular stagnation, after the bubble burst. And, there is little evidence that it led to any significant long-term benefits for the US anyway.

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Panel of Japanese economists mired in erroneous mainstream constructions and logic

Last Friday, I met a journalist in Tokyo and we discussed among other things, the results of the latest Nikkei/JCER ‘Economics Panel’, which was conducted between November 13 and November 18, 2025. The panel involves “questionnaires” being “sent to approximately 50 economists to gather their evaluations of various economic policies. The aim is to promote deeper and more active discussions on economic policy by clearly conveying the consensus and differences of opinion among experts, along with presenting individual comments from each economist.” The results are quite striking and demonstrate that the Japanese academic economics profession is mired in destructive Groupthink that means the profession is failing to contribute in any effective and functional way to advancing the well-being of the Japanese population or providing insights into how the nation can meet its considerable and immediate challenges.

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IMF comes late to the party but then cannot quite admit it

In an early blog post – Inflation targeting spells bad fiscal policy (October 15, 2009) – I outlined prior research that I had done on the issue of inflation targetting (IT). In my 2008 book with Joan Muysken – Full Employment abandoned – we provided further analysis on the issue. We found that there was no significant difference in inflation and output dynamics between IT and non-IT nations. This was consistent with the evidence from other studies. Mainstream economists continually claim that IT delivers a range of virtues and central banks that implement IT use interest rates hikes aggressively when there is a hint of price pressure emerging. The latest evidence from an IMF study is that there was no significant difference between IT and non-IT nations in the recent inflationary episode. The research exposes IT for what it is – an article of ideological faith rather than an evidence-based and responsible policy approach.

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Japan – errant fiscal rule is sure to backfire

The Prime Minister’s Office of Japan has now released the transcript of the – Policy Speech by Prime Minister TAKAICHI Sanae to the 219th Session of the Diet (October 24, 2025). This was her first major speech after taking on the office of Prime Minister and allows us to see some detail beyond the rather general statements she had made previously about being supportive of fiscal expansion. The detail does not build much confidence.

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Japan challenges – is there really a labour shortage? – Part 6

This blog post continues my exploration of the available productive resources in Japan which would allow a nominal fiscal expansion to be accommodated without adding to the inflationary pressures. People consistently point to the low official unemployment rate as a proxy for a shortage of labour in Japan. It is good that the official unemployment is consistently low and that is a good thing. But the official rate might not be a very good indicator of the degree of labour market slack, especially as Japan has endured many years of low economic growth and falling real wages. A focus on underemployment probably provides a better guide to the availability of idle labour resources. That is what I consider in today’s instalment.

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Japan – the challenges facing the new LDP leader – Part 2

This is a second part of an as yet unknown total, where I investigate possible new policy agendas, which are designed to meet the challenges that Japan is facing in the immediate period and the years to come. This is also in the context of the elevation of Ms Takaichi to the LDP presidency and soon Prime Minister. She has suggested that her policy agenda will shift somewhat from the current government position, in the sense that she wants lower interest rates, while the majority of economists want higher, and she is advocating further fiscal expansion, while the mainstream want austerity. In the first part I examined the inflation issue in Japan, which suggests that the mainstream view that rates have to rise is misguided. Today, I am considering the scope for fiscal expansion.

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Japan – the challenges facing the new LDP leader

This will be a series of blog posts where I analysis the period ahead for Japan under the new LDP leadership of Ms Sanae Takaichi. The motivation is that on November 7, 2025, the research group I am working with at Kyoto University will be staging a major event at the Diet (Parliament) Building in Tokyo where I will be one of the keynote speakers. The strategic intent of the event is to outline a new policy agenda to meet the challenges that Japan is facing in the immediate period and the years to come. It is highly likely that the Lab Director here at Kyoto, who promotes and Modern Monetary Theory (MMT) perspective and was formerly the special advisor to the Shinzo Abe, will return to that position under Ms Takaichi. This gives the event increased importance for outlining an Modern Monetary Theory (MMT)-based perspective. Today, I examine the inflation issue in Japan.

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Some discussion about taxation

Over the weekend, I was a presenter at a Fabian’s Society meeting which sought input on ‘alternative taxation policies’ under the general tenet of the need for the Australian government to raise revenue to ensure a socially just society. The other presenter was John Quiggin and I think we provided a good complementarity for the relatively large audience (for a Saturday afternoon – with football finals in progress!). Of course, my opening salvo was to reject the fundamental premise of the workshop – which is a premise that progressive commentators and activists seem unable to shed to the detriment of their argument. I indicated to the audience at the outset that the aim of taxation is generally not to raise more revenue for government, but, instead, to ensure the non-government sector has less spending capacity. More is not less. That is a fundamentally different frame in which to discuss the topic and I closed the workshop by suggesting that one of the single most important things that progressives can learn is to stop using terms like ‘taxpayers’ money’ when discussing fiscal policy. Using those type of terms immediately frames the discussion against progressive goals.

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Australia’s unemployment rate is well above any reasonable full employment level

Central banks around the world tightened interest rates starting late 2021 in some places and there was a systematic period of hikes over the next year or more despite the inflationary pressures mostly showing signs of abatement as a result of factors that were not sensitive to the rising interest rates. In Australia, the RBA started hiking in May 2022 and continued through to November 2022, despite the inflation rate peaking in December 2022. The RBA consistently claimed the labour market was too tight and that the unemployment rate was below the unobservable Non-Accelerating-Rate-of-Unemployment (the so-called NAIRU), which meant to stabilise inflation in their eyes, they had to force unemployment higher. Their logic was not consistent with reality and tens of thousands of workers have lost their jobs over the last few years as a result of deliberate policy choices all for nothing. The inflation outbreak was not the result of excess spending and came down on its own accord as the COVID constraints abated and supply chains worked around Putin and all that. In this blog post I produce some research that further cements that conclusion. There are some technical details but essentially the narrative should be easy to follow.

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Basing a childcare system on how much private profit it generates is a recipe for certain disaster

We knew in the 1980s, when neoliberal-influenced governments started selling off public trading enterprise for not much that the strategy would not deliver on its promises. At least some of us knew and wrote about it then. I was part of a team that analysed the disasters that would follow the sell off of the Commonwealth Bank and Qantas. Qantas, by the way, has gone through a sequence of high profile scandals, including selling tickets for flights it had already cancelled, illegally sacking workers during COVID, and other demonstrations of incompetent and capricious management. Just this week, it was fined $A90 million for the illegal sacking of the baggage handlers. The latest demonstration of how privatisation has failed is the revelation that the child care industry in Australia has become a honey pot for paedophiles and sociopaths as for-profit child care centres pursue profit at the expense of caring for the children in their centres. The solutions are always straightforward but rejected by governments – bring these activities back into the not-for-profit state sector. Meanwhile, the future of tens of thousands of children are being compromised by profiteering by corporations as governments wax lyrical about how much they care for the kids but do very little to stop the abuse.

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Productivity growth is not the only source of increases in material well-being for the majority

One of the issues that emerges when one is studying undergraduate macroeconomics is that there is a curious disregard for the role that income and wealth distribution play in determining the aggregate outcomes, that are at the centre of the study. Most students in my cohort didn’t think about that and the curriculum certainly didn’t encourage such digressions. For me, a student of Marx basically, I was extremely interested in the topic and read a lot outside the standard curriculum, which took me into the work of Sidney Weintraub and others, for example, who demonstrated how aggregate spending was not just influenced by income but also how that income was distributed. I have been thinking about this issue in relation to the way the Australian debate at present is being dominated by the productivity question and the imperative for a degrowth strategy to emerge. This thinking is also in relation to the Federal government’s – Economic Reform Roundtable – which they are running in Canberra this week, led by the Treasurer. The overarching theme is ‘Making our economy more productive’ so we can grow faster. Exactly the opposite of a discussion about degrowth.

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Australian workers get modest real wage gains in latest data – finally

Yesterday, the Reserve Bank of Australia finally lowered interest rates some months after it became clear the economy is slowing and the labour market is getting weaker. The RBA remain fixated on their claims that wages growth is too high. In yesterday’s – Statement by the Monetary Policy Board: Monetary Policy Decision ((August 12, 2025) – they claimed that the “labour market remains a little tight” and that “Measures of labour underutilisation nevertheless remain at low rates” – which must be them rehearsing for careers as comedians. Unemployment is rising quickly and the broad underutilisation rate was at 10.3 per cent. So for the RBA having 10.3 per cent of available labour not being used in one way or another is a ‘low rate’. Extraordinary. Anyway today (May 14, 2025), the Australian Bureau of Statistics released the latest – Wage Price Index, Australia – for the June-quarter 2025, which shows that the aggregate wage index rose by 3.4 per cent over the 12 months and is steady. The June-quarter 2025 nominal wage growth outpaced the standard inflationary measures. While most commentators will focus on the nominal wages growth relative to CPI movements, the more accurate estimate of the cost-of-living change is the Employee Selected Living Cost Index, which is still running well above the CPI change. Using that measure, purchasing power of the nominal wages grew modestly in the June-quarter after several quarters of zero or negative growth. However, there is no wages breakout evident. And while the RBA are fixated on low productivity, they fail to demand more investment from the business community which is the main reason for lagging productivity.

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What does it mean for a nation to become bankrupt?

The reason I ask that question is because I read in the UK Guardian article yesterday (published August 11, 2025) – As dark financial clouds gather, Labour has to heed its past: when it chooses austerity, it loses elections – that “Britain is in danger of going bankrupt. It may happen slowly or quickly, but since Labour took office this possibility has increasingly been promoted and discussed in the press, by opposition parties and in the City of London”. And when the author of that article poses his own question: “What exact form will this bankruptcy take?” – he offers the rather tepid response that it will happen because the government is “spending too much, generally on people who have little”, which offers nothing by way of clarification or definitiveness. So it is useful to interrogate the notion of a nation going broke. Can it happen? Can Britain become insolvent?

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The British government’s obsession with the fiscal rules is driving the economy towards recession

The UK economy is heading into a malaise. The latest news – UK construction activity in July falls at steepest rate since Covid (August 6, 2025) – and – UK services sector has biggest fall in orders for nearly three years (August 5, 2025) – confirms that there is a slowdown underway. That was prefaced by rising unemployment and falling overall GDP growth in previous data releases. However, when we examine statements coming from the Labour government, the Prime Minister is hinting that there might be tax rises in the Autumn Statement because a neoliberal oriented ‘think tank’ has told it that there is a £40 billion gap in the fiscal outcomes, which will breach the self-imposed limits specified in their fiscal rules. So the Government is contemplating more austerity and contractionary policy at a time when private spending is subdued and the economy is going backwards. It just demonstrates how the obsession with these fiscal rules grossly distorts fiscal decision making and focuses government eyes on all the wrong things. I am still amazed when I think how stupid we all have become for thinking that any of the stuff is acceptable.

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