The Far Right opposition to the euro in Germany has nothing to do with MMT

Edward Elgar, my sometime publisher, is interested in me updating my 2015 book – Eurozone Dystopia: Groupthink and Denial on a Grand Scale (published May 2015). I have held them off for a few years because there have been notable developments such as Brexit, COVID-19, and more since I finished that work, which are still playing out and difficult to disentangle in such a way that definitive analysis can be made. One of the striking things about Europe, from my perspective, is that voters appear to have separated the growing economic stagnation and the insecurity it brings from their view of the euro as a currency. The most recent – Standard Eurobarometer Survey 102 (conducted in November 2024) – conducted by the EU itself, “has registered the highest support ever for the common currency, both in the EU as a whole (74%) and in the euro area (81%)”. (85 per cent support in Germany and 76 per cent in France). Given the circumstances that is a pretty stunning result. And more respondents thought the EU economy was ‘good’ than those who thought it was ‘bad’, although in Germany and France, the outlook in that regard is highly pessimistic (40 per cent good Germany, 29 per cent France). Yet, the Far Right party in Germany – Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) – which as a result of the national election on February 25, 2025 gained the second highest number of votes (20.8 per cent of total) and improved its voting outcome by a staggering 10.4 per cent. Interestingly, from my perspective, AfD is now the leading voice in Europe against the euro, while other Far Rights voices are no longer (Rassemblement National) or never have (Fratelli) advocated abandoning the euro in favour of a return to national currency sovereignty. So while most Germans like the euro, more are voting for AfD who want it scrapped. That tension is what I am researching at the moment among other things.

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The Left has created the swing to the Right – some reflections

The last several decades of what is termed the neoliberal era has led to some fundamental changes in our social and economic institutions. It was led by the interests of capital reconfiguring what the polity should be doing, given that most of the significant shifts have come through the legislative or regulative capacity (power) of our governments. In turn, this reconfiguration then spawned shifts within the political parties themselves such that the traditional structures and voices have changed, in some cases, almost beyond recognition. The impacts of these shifts have undermined the security and prosperity of many citizens and redistributed massive wealth to a small minority. The anxiety created as the middle class has been hollowed out has been crying out for representation – for political support. Traditionally, support for the socio-economic underdogs came from the Left, the progressive polity, which, after all was the Left’s raison d’être. But that willingness by the Left politicians to give voice to the oppressed has significantly diminished as it surrendered the macroeconomic debate to the mainstream and got lost in post modernism. As a consequence, the ideological balance has demonstrably shifted to the Right, and the former progressive parties have been abandoned. My thesis is that the Left has created a burgeoning return of the Right with a daring and resolve that we haven’t seen for decades. The election and aftermath of Donald Trump’s elevation to presidency demonstrates the situation. Last weekend’s general election in Germany demonstrates the situation. And today a poll was released in Australia that suggests the current Labor government, which slaughtered the conservatives in the last election just 3 years ago are now facing a clear loss to the Opposition – that is advocating Trump-style radicalism. As the saying goes – you get what you deserve.

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ECB should take over and repay all the joint debt held by the European Commission after the pandemic

There are repeating episodes in world macroeconomics that demonstrate the absurdity of the mainstream way of thinking. One, obviously is the recurring debt ceiling charade in the US, where over a period of months, the various parties make threats and pretend they will close the government down by failing to pass the bill. Others think up what they think are ingenious solutions (like the so-called trillion dollar coin), which just gives the stupidity oxygen. Another example is the European Union ‘budget’ deliberations which involve excruciating, drawn out negotiations, which are now in train in Europe. One of the controversial bargaining aspects as the Member States negotiate a new 7-year deal is the rather significant quantity of joint EU debt that was issued during the pandemic to help nations through the crisis. How that is repaid is causing grief and leading to rather ridiculous suggestions of further austerity cuts and more. My suggestion to cut through all this nonsense is that the ECB takes over the debt and insulates the Member States from repayment. After all, the debt wasn’t issued because the Member States were pursuing irresponsible and profligate fiscal strategies.

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Germany’s sectoral decline and its obsession with fiscal austerity

I am currently researching statistical and textual material as part of my plan to produce an updated version of my 2015 book – Eurozone Dystopia: Groupthink and Denial on a Grand Scale (published May 2015) – to take into account the pandemic, Brexit and other major changes that impact on Europe’s position in the world economy and the internal shifts within Europe itself that will make it even more difficult for the Member State nations to maintain their material living standards. My publisher (Edward Elgar) is keen to push this project on. As part of this work I have been examining changes since 2015 across various European states. Today, I discuss the decline in Germany’s fortunes that has arisen as a result of a combination of circumstances: an obsession with fiscal austerity; the suppression of domestic spending capacity; the unrelenting promotion of the so-called ‘export-reliant, manufacturing-heavy economic model’; the election of Donald Trump; and the maturing of the Chinese economy. German politicians, particularly, have become so caught up in the ‘Schwarze Null’ ideology that they have failed to anticipate the medium- and longer-term consequences of their actions. These consequences were all laid out in my 2015 book but policy makers have generally ignored any criticisms of the ‘German model’. Now the chickens are coming home to roost. Fast. And it spells bad times for Europe.

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The assessment that Greece has been an ‘astonishing success’ beggars belief

Today, I consider the Greek situation, the decision by the UK Chancellor to further deregulate the financial services sector and then to calm everyone down or not, some music. The Financial Times published an article (December 12, 2024) – The astonishing success of Eurozone bailouts – which basically redefines the meaning of English words like ‘success’. Apparently, Greece is now a successful economy and that success is due to the Troika bailouts in 2015 and the imposition of harsh austerity. The data, unfortunately, doesn’t support that assessment. Yes, there is economic growth, albeit from a very low base. But other indicators reveal a parlous state of affairs. At least, this blog post finishes on a high note. Please note there will be no post tomorrow (Wednesday) as I am travelling all day. I will resume on Thursday.

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Austerity cultist Kenneth Rogoff continues to bore us with his broken record

One would reasonably think that if someone had been exposed in the past for pumping out a discredited academic paper after being at the forefront of the destructive austerity push during the Global Financial Crisis, then some circumspection might be in order. Apparently not. In 2010, Carmen Reinhart and Kenneth Rogoff published a paper in one of the leading mainstream academic journals – Growth in a Time of Debt – which became one of the most cited academic papers at the time. At the time, they even registered a WWW domain for themselves (now defunct) to promote the paper and tell us all how many journalists, media programs etc have been citing their work. While one can understand the self-promotion by Rogoff and Reinhart, it seems that none of these media outlets or journalists did much checking. It turned out that they had based their results on research that had grossly mishandled the data – deliberately or inadvertently – and that a correct use of the available data found that that nations who have public debt to GDP ratios that cross the alleged 90 per cent threshold experienced average real GDP growth of 2.2 per cent rather than -0.1 per cent as was published by Rogoff and Reinhart in their original paper. So all their boasting about finding robust “debt intolerance limits” arising from “sharply rising interest rates” – and then “painful fiscal adjustments” and “outright default” were not sustainable. Humility might have been the order of the day. But not for Rogoff. He regularly keeps popping up making predictions of doom based on faulty mainstream logic.

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The EU is in terminal decline

Some Wednesday snippets. First, I juxtapose the political machinations that the EU President is engaged in to consolidate and expand her power within the European Commission with the reality that Member State governments are becoming dysfunction because social instability and political extremism are rife. Then I reflect on my experience as Chancellor of Britain – a great success I should say, although I was told I had broken all the rules. It tells one how stupid the rules are. Then, finally, some music to enjoy.

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More misery and dysfunction coming for France – as the fiscal rules bite

For all those Europhile progressives who have held out that reform is the way to deal with the neoliberalism of the European Union and even, in some cases, claimed that the austerity mindset was over (once the fiscal rules enshrined in the Stability and Growth Pact were temporarily suspended during the pandemic), the behaviour of the French government should wake them out of their delusional reverie. The new Prime Minister addressed the National Assembly last week and outlined a new fiscal direction involving significant expenditure cuts and tax hikes. His plan will not satisfy the European Commission, however, who under the Excessive Deficit Protocol (EDP) have indicated they want a faster transition back to the fiscal rule thresholds (that is, even harsher austerity than Barnier is proposing). This policy shift is in the context of an elevated unemployment rate (which is rising) and an already significant output gap. The austerity is likely to push the unemployment rate towards 9 per cent (around) and will be a disaster for the prosperity of the French people who are still enduring the cost-of-living fallout from the pandemic and the Russian-Ukraine situation. Add in the possible impacts of the Middle East crisis and we have a failed state. Once again the fiscal rules defined within the EMU architecture are going to deliver shocking outcomes.

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The 20 EMU Member States are not currency issuers in the MMT sense

For some years now (since the pandemic), I have been receiving E-mails from those interested in the Eurozone telling me that the analysis I presented in my 2015 book – Eurozone Dystopia: Groupthink and Denial on a Grand Scale (published May 2015) – was redundant because the European Commission and the ECB had embraced and was committed to Modern Monetary Theory (MMT) so there was no longer a basis for a critique along the lines I presented. I keep seeing that claim repeated and apparently it is being championed by MMT economists. While there are some MMTers who seem to think the original architecture of the Economic and Monetary Union has been ‘changed’ in such a way that the original constraints on Member States no longer apply, I think they have missed the point. They point to the fact that the ECB continues to control bond yield spreads across the EU through its bond-buying programs (yes) and that the Commission/Council relaxed the fiscal rules during the Pandemic (yes). But the bond-buying programs come with conditionality and the authorities have now ended the ‘general escape clause’ of the Stability and Growth Pact and are once again enforcing the Excessive Deficit procedure and imposing austerity on several Member States. The temporary relaxation of the SGP rules (via the general emergency clause) did not amount to a ‘change’ in the fiscal rules. Indeed, the EDP has been strengthened this year. The Member States still face credit risk on their debt, still use a foreign currency that is issued by the ECB and is beyond their legislative remit, and are still vulnerable to austerity impositions from the Commission and their technocrats. To compare that situation with a currency-issuing government such as the US or Japan or Australia, etc is to, in my view, commit the same sort of error that mainstream economists make when they say that ‘the UK is at risk of becoming like Greece’ or similar ridiculous threats to discipline fiscal authorities in currency-issuing nations.

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Germany continues to kill the Eurozone

Earlier this week, the German statistical agency, De Statis released – Press release No.316 of 19 August 2024 – which confirmed that Germany continues to run policy settings that undermine the viability of the common currency. During the pandemic, Germany’s trade surplus declined significantly and the mainstream commentariat all pronounced that Germany had shifted direction and had finally learned that running an obsessive, export-led strategy that relied on suppression of domestic demand and increasing trade deficits elsewhere was fraught. Such a strategy had ensured the GFC was worse in Europe than elsewhere. The problem with that narrative is that it was wrong. The declining trade surpluses were driven by the temporary cost increases (mostly energy) that followed the pandemic and the price gouging by OPEC. The latest trade data shows that the economy has absorbed those shocks and is once again moving into large export surpluses that not only violate EU rules but also will further promote defensive strategies among its trading partners.

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