Traces the development of my 2017 book published by Pluto Press

A structured approach for progressive political ambitions – Part 6

This is Part 6 of the short series of briefing notes that arose out of discussions I recently had in London about how a progressive political party might want to break out of the shackles that the British Labour Party has bound itself in with its obsession with fiscal rules and an adherence to the fiscal fictions of mainstream macroeconomics. The thoughts, in my view, are relevant for all aspiring progressive political parties that might have fallen prey to the fictional world of mainstream economics and cannot find a way back. In the first part, I suggested a way forward was to shift the focus of what can be done with fiscal policy away from financial matters towards an emphasis on real resource constraints – that is, what productive resources are available for public use. In this sense, the discussion becomes focused on how much nominal spending growth is possible without sparking inflationary pressures as a result of nominal spending growth outstripping the productive capacity of the economy. In Part 2, I focused on aspects of the institutional structure that should be considered to support that shift in focus, including a planning network and a return to a public employment service. In Part 3, I began an examination of the long debate about economic planning, In Part 4, I continued that discussion. In Part 5, I discussed how the age of rapid, networked communication systems eliminate the basis of the pro-market, anti-planning critics. Today’s discussion focuses on the importance of institutional structure in government with a special case study of the Ministry of International Trade and Industry (MITI) in Japan and the role that it played in that nation’s spectacular rise out of the ravages of World War 2 and US Occupation.

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A structured approach for progressive political ambitions – Part 5

This is Part 5 of the short series of briefing notes that arose out of discussions I recently had in London about how a progressive political party might want to break out of the shackles that the British Labour Party has bound itself in with its obsession with fiscal rules and an adherence to the fiscal fictions of mainstream macroeconomics. The thoughts, in my view, are relevant for all aspiring progressive political parties that might have fallen prey to the fictional world of mainstream economics and cannot find a way back. In the first part, I suggested a way forward was to shift the focus of what can be done with fiscal policy away from financial matters towards an emphasis on real resource constraints – that is, what productive resources are available for public use. In this sense, the discussion becomes focused on how much nominal spending growth is possible without sparking inflationary pressures as a result of nominal spending growth outstripping the productive capacity of the economy. In Part 2, I focused on aspects of the institutional structure that should be considered to support that shift in focus, including a planning network and a return to a public employment service. In Part 3, I began an examination of the long debate about economic planning, In Part 4, I continued that discussion. In Part 5, I am discussing how the age of rapid, networked communication systems eliminate the basis of the pro-market, anti-planning critics. Today’s discussion is a practical description of how cybernetics can help deal with resource constraints in a planning system.

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The Manosphere fills a void created by neoliberalism which has been largely ignored by progressives

Over the weekend just gone I took some time to watch the latest Louis Theroux documentary – Louis Theroux: Inside the Manosphere – which relates how far we have gone in reverse with attitudes that men hold towards women. This blog post is not intended to be a review of that film but rather my thoughts on where it sits in the history of neoliberalism. The proposition is that neoliberalism creates voids where individuals are left behind and constructed as miserable failures. It also promotes an idea that an individual’s prosperity is a function of their own diligence and that the state fails to advance our well-being. Increasingly, these ideas are then embedded in misinformation and conspiracy theories and movements emerge to give voice to the anxieties that we face. The manosphere serves that purpose and allows young men to gain a sense of purpose and worth – notwithstanding that it is the world of scammers and oppressors. But it is another way in which neoliberalism is driving our societies into system-failure.

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A structured approach for progressive political ambitions – Part 4

This is Part 4 of the short series of briefing notes that arose out of discussions I recently had in London about how a progressive political party might want to break out of the shackles that the British Labour Party has bound itself in with its obsession with fiscal rules and an adherence to the fiscal fictions of mainstream macroeconomics. The thoughts, in my view, are relevant for all aspiring progressive political parties that might have fallen prey to the fictional world of mainstream economics and cannot find a way back. In the first part, I suggested a way forward was to shift the focus of what can be done with fiscal policy away from financial matters towards an emphasis on real resource constraints – that is, what productive resources are available for public use. In this sense, the discussion becomes focused on how much nominal spending growth is possible without sparking inflationary pressures as a result of nominal spending growth outstripping the productive capacity of the economy. In Part 2, I focused on aspects of the institutional structure that should be considered to support that shift in focus, including a planning network and a return to a public employment service. In Part 3, I began an examination of the long debate about economic planning, In Part 4, I will continue that discussion and demonstrate that most of the criticisms of it from free market advocates are no longer applicable in an age of rapid, networked communication systems.

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A structured approach for progressive political ambitions – Part 3

This is Part 3 of the short series of briefing notes that arose out of discussions I recently had in London about how a progressive political party might want to break out of the shackles that the Labour Party has bound itself in with its obsession with fiscal rules and an adherence to the fiscal fictions of mainstream macroeconomics. In the first part, I suggested a way forward was to shift the focus of what can be done with fiscal policy away from financial matters towards an emphasis on real resource constraints – that is, what productive resources are available for public use. In this sense, the discussion becomes focused on how much nominal spending growth is possible without sparking inflationary pressures as a result of nominal spending growth outstripping the productive capacity of the economy. In Part 2, I focused on aspects of the institutional structure that should be considered to support that shift in focus, including a planning network and a return to a public employment service. In Part 3, I examine the long debate about economic planning and demonstrate that most of the criticisms of it from free market advocates are no longer applicable in an age of rapid, networked communication systems.

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A structured approach for progressive political ambitions – Part 2

This is the second part of a short series of briefing notes that arose out of discussions I had in London the week before last about how a progressive political party might want to break out of the shackles that the Labour Party has bound itself in with its obsession with fiscal rules and an adherence to the fiscal fictions of mainstream macroeconomics. In the first part, I suggested a way forward was to shift the focus of what can be done with fiscal policy away from financial matters towards an emphasis on real resource constraints – that is, what productive resources are available for public use. In this sense, the discussion becomes focused on how much nominal spending growth is possible without sparking inflationary pressures as a result of nominal spending growth outstripping the productive capacity of the economy. In Part 2, I will focus on aspects of the institutional structure that should be considered to support that shift in focus.

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A structured approach for progressive political ambitions – Part 1

I am stuck in London courtesy of the terrorist policies of Donald Trump and his Israeli gang mates. I arrived at Heathrow on Saturday expecting to be home by last evening only to learn that all flights via Doha were indefinitely suspended. Big problem. I was lucky to find a hotel room at the airport where I am bunkered down for a few days before a rebooked flight on another airline is possible. Luckily, I have been able to find a flight with another airline and will leave London on Tuesday (fingers crossed). Anyway, that was a bad end to a good week’s work in London. Apart from the public launch of the new policy research group, MMTUK, which was a good evening, catching up with MMT activists in the UK, I had several meetings with various people. Those discussions must remain confidential here. However, I decided to write up some ideas that are relevant to how I think a progressive ambition can be politicised in an acceptable manner. The challenge for such an ambition is to shift the population’s focus from an obsession with financial constraints to a recognition that it is the availability of resources that matters. There are several related aspects to this challenge. This is Part 1 of a two-part series on that topic.

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Is there hope for a post neoliberal world?

I grew up in a society where collective will was at the forefront and it is true to say people looked out for each other. The state – at all levels – had various policy structures in place to provide levels of economic protection for the least advantaged members of society. Having grown up in a poor family, those structures were important in allowing me to stay at school and then go onto to university. It also allowed my friends on the housing commission estate (state housing) who had different skills (not academic) to get apprenticeships and build careers that gave them material security in that way. It wasn’t a perfect period – there was racism, misogyny, and xenophobia – but as mass education spread, my generation left a lot of that behind. I was thinking about that when I read the recent article by Robert Reich in the UK Guardian (December 29, 2026) – Americans are waking up. A grand reckoning awaits us – which carried a resonance of some of the things that I have seen emerge in Australia as well as this 4-decade or so neoliberal nightmare reaches some sort of denouement.

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Argentina entering the usual doom loop that austerity inevitably creates

‘A picture is worth a thousand words’ is an old adage, which means that some image can express a very complex message more quickly than a written tract – of the sort that will follow in this blog post. At the Spring 2025 meetings of the IMF in Washington, the IMF boss Kristalina Georgieva was ebullient about how well Argentina was doing as a result of the harsh austerity (‘shock therapy’) that the current President Javier Milei has unleashed on his nation. If you watch the IMF boss please also have a brown bag handy for the obvious nausea that will follow. The scene became even more bizarre when the new Minister of Deregulation and State Transformation. aka El Coloso, one Federico Sturzenegger, during a panel with others including Rachel Reeves, pinned a little badge of a chainsaw to Georgieva’s lapel. It was all very lavish and symbolic and ignored the plight that these elites have imposed on ordinary citizens back in Argentina. What is happening back in Argentina is once again demonstrating how the ideology of austerity initially promises the world to the citizens only to backfire and turn to crisis.

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