Discussions about fiscal statements, analysis and controversies from an MMT perspective

Japan’s Government Pension Investment Fund and the yen – mainstream macro myths driving bad policy

With a national election approaching in Japan (February 8, 2026), there has been a lot of discussion about the so-called ‘weak yen’ and whether the Bank of Japan should be intervening to manage the value of the currency on international markets. PM Takaichi has been quoted as saying that the weak yen is good for Japanese exports and has offset some of the negative impacts on key sectors in Japan, including the automobile industry. She also said that the government would aim to encourage an economic structure that could withstand shifts in the currency’s value, largely by encouraging domestic investment. The yen depreciation is another example of the way mainstream economists distort the debate. They argue that the Bank of Japan should be increasing interest rates further to shore up the yen. Previously, they pressured the government into creating a pension fund investment vehicle to speculate in financial markets to ensure the basic pension system doesn’t run out of money. These two things are linked but not in ways that the mainstream public debate construes. It turns out that pension myths, are directly responsible for the evolution of the yen. This blog post explains why.

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Japan goes to an election accompanied by a very confused economic debate

These notes will serve as part of a briefing document that I will send off to some interested parties in Japan. Japan is about to go to the poll for a snap national election on February 8. The recently installed Prime Minister, Ms Takaichi is betting that her recent solid showing in the polls will allow her to capture more seats in the Diet and reduce or even eliminate her dependency on the ‘uncomfortable’ coalition partner, the Japan Innovation Party (JIP) aka Ishin. That coalition was formed after Mr Ishiba, the previous PM, also bet on a snap election result, which saw the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) go backwards (losing 68 seats) and the coalition partner Komeito also lose seats. Together the ruling coalition lost its majority in the National Diet (for the first time since 2009) and Shigeru Ishiba’s popularity began to evaporate. The background to that loss was a major political funding scandal among the Cabinet ministers and the election result signalled that the Japanese people had seemingly had enough of the corruption at the top. Ms Takaichi took over after Mr Ishiba could no longer sustain his position as PM. The old coalition between the LDP and Komeito fell apart because the Buddhist Komeito could no longer stomach the new PMs imperialist ideology nor her unwillingness to deal with he insidious corruption in her party. This forced Ms Takaichi to forge a new coalition – hence the rather unlikely pairing with Ishin, which is a right wing populist party espousing neoliberal economic policies. The government is proposing a major fiscal expansion but the debate during the campaign that is now underway is very confused. The confusion arises because all the main players keep wheeling out mainstream economic arguments that tie them up into nonsensical policy proposals.

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When contraction is called expansion – Japanese government style

Well my holiday is over. Not that I had one! This morning we submitted the manuscript to the publisher for the Second Edition of our Macroeconomics text, which will come out later this year. Finishing a massive project like that is always non-linear – the last few months are hideous – checking everything and filling gaps. Anyway, that was the Xmas break. And as the New Year starts, one always hopes that humanity learns from the mistakes of the previous year. In economics, though, that is the hope of the forlorn. I read this morning’s Japan Times newspaper and lo and behold there are predictions of dire consequences as a result of the current Cabinet decision to shift focus away from pursuing a primary fiscal surplus to massaging the public debt ratio. The mainstream economists are arguing about the relative virtues of each and forecasting gloom. The reality is that neither target is worth attention. Meanwhile, the privatised rail companies are negotiating with communities for the closure of certain rail segments because they are loss making. All that discussion is about costs per passenger km, rather than satisfaction gained from bringing people together. The priorities are all wrong.

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Video – Japan at a Crossroads: Fiscal Policy, China, and the Growth

I have limited time today to write a blog post and last night I was sent a new video that I recently recorded with my research colleague at Kyoto University, Professor Fujii where we talk for some hours on the topic – Japan at a Crossroads: Fiscal Policy, China, and the Growth. It was a conversation we had via Zoom that was recorded on Friday, December 5, 2025. We reflect on recent developments in Japan and its relationship with other major countries (US, China, etc) and consider the policy challenges facing the new Takaichi Cabinet. It is a very long session. The transcript was generated by YouTube AI I believe and then edited and is not perfect. A lot of unnecessary aspects are edited out and the latter part of the transcript is really just an AI summary. But I think the record is acceptable. At times, the discussion changed from English to Japanese, where there was some ambiguity in terminology etc, and those segments have been cut from the transcript. I put in timestamps during the transcript to help you zoom into topics of interest. I hope you find something useful in our long discussion.

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The US attack on Europe misses the point entirely

The other day I was asked whether I was happy that the US President was finally saying things that I have been noting for years. The reference to Trump was, on interrogation, based on the US government analysis of Europe that appeared in the so-called – National Security Strategy of the United States of America – November 2025 (hereafter NSS) – which was released to the public on December 4, 2025. When I finally got around to reading the document, it was clear that the person who put that proposition to me didn’t understood Trump’s position and certainly didn’t understand my position. While the Trump Administration is critical of the European Union, as I am, the respective bases for those criticisms couldn’t be farther apart.

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British Labour’s obsession with fiscal rules is untenable and ignores the reality of the situation

I have been a consistent critic of the way in which the British Labour Party, both in opposition and in government, is obsessed with rigid fiscal rules, thinking it is the only way that it can demonstrate fiscal credibility (whatever that is in their minds). The result is that they get cornered into situations that either lead them to make poor decisions which lose them votes and give the likes of Nigel Farage more fuel for his crusade or they are forced to admit they cannot achieve the (unachievable) fiscal rules. Either way it is a clusterf*)@. In the last week or so, we have witnessed the ludicrous situation of the British Office of Budget Responsibility failing to protect its own file systems and leaking information before the Chancellor presented her official fiscal statement. The leaked information just happened to contradict the messaging of the Chancellor which was a bit inconvenient. But the important issue that all this raises is not whether OBR can run a secure WordPress site (evidently it cannot), but that the information it generates is so inaccurate and systematically biased that it cannot realistically be used as the basis for assessing fiscal policy. Which means that the obsession with the fiscal rules leads to policy changes that damage things that matter – such as employment and services – but those policy changes are based on information (OBR forecasts) that subsequent revelations tell us would not justify those policy shifts. As I said – clusterf8x@.

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Panel of Japanese economists mired in erroneous mainstream constructions and logic

Last Friday, I met a journalist in Tokyo and we discussed among other things, the results of the latest Nikkei/JCER ‘Economics Panel’, which was conducted between November 13 and November 18, 2025. The panel involves “questionnaires” being “sent to approximately 50 economists to gather their evaluations of various economic policies. The aim is to promote deeper and more active discussions on economic policy by clearly conveying the consensus and differences of opinion among experts, along with presenting individual comments from each economist.” The results are quite striking and demonstrate that the Japanese academic economics profession is mired in destructive Groupthink that means the profession is failing to contribute in any effective and functional way to advancing the well-being of the Japanese population or providing insights into how the nation can meet its considerable and immediate challenges.

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Supply-side employment services models fail and promote sociopaths

One of the ways in which neoliberal dogma altered the relationship between government and the citizens in Australia was in the way employment services were delivered. Before this dogma gained traction, the Australian government operated the – Commonwealth Employment Service (CES) – which was created in 1946 as part of the grand plan to sustain full employment and improve the material standards of living after the travails of the Great Depression and then World War 2. It was created by the – Re-establishment and Employment Act 1945 – which was “designed to help members of the forces transition back to civilian life by providing for their re-establishment in employment and civil life”. The CES was an integral aspect of this process and provided job matching services, occupational planning, vocational training and support, income support payments, and career guidance. It was a very effective service that operated over many decades after its introduction. There were spin-off services to help those with disabilities (particularly chronically injured service men and women). As neoliberalism took hold in Australia, the narrative shifted towards blaming the unemployed for their plight rather than understanding that the unemployment was due to a systemic lack of jobs being created because aggregate spending was insufficient. Parts of its operation were hived off to (grasping) private operators and eventually the whole operation was privatised in 1998. It has been downhill ever since and the problems arising from this decision by government continue to serve as a blight on the civility and decency of Australian society. The latest news, which I canvas in today’s post is just more of the same.

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Japan – the challenges facing the new LDP leader – Part 3

This is a third part of an as yet unknown total, where I investigate possible new policy agendas, which are designed to meet the challenges that Japan is facing in the immediate period and the years to come. The first two parts were written in the context of the elevation of Ms Takaichi to the LDP presidency. It was anticipated that she would then become the Prime Minister as a result of commanding a majority on the floor of the Diet, with help from long-standing coalition partner Komeito. However, in the last few days, things have changed considerably in Japan with Komeito withdrawing from the ruling coalition and throwing the question of who will become the Prime Minister up in the air. One of the issues that are shaping what happens next is the question of social security sustainability as the society ages. This divides the parties and will help to determine the configuration of the next government in Japan.

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Japan – the challenges facing the new LDP leader

This will be a series of blog posts where I analysis the period ahead for Japan under the new LDP leadership of Ms Sanae Takaichi. The motivation is that on November 7, 2025, the research group I am working with at Kyoto University will be staging a major event at the Diet (Parliament) Building in Tokyo where I will be one of the keynote speakers. The strategic intent of the event is to outline a new policy agenda to meet the challenges that Japan is facing in the immediate period and the years to come. It is highly likely that the Lab Director here at Kyoto, who promotes and Modern Monetary Theory (MMT) perspective and was formerly the special advisor to the Shinzo Abe, will return to that position under Ms Takaichi. This gives the event increased importance for outlining an Modern Monetary Theory (MMT)-based perspective. Today, I examine the inflation issue in Japan.

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