The absurdity of procylical fiscal policy

The Australian federal election campaign is in full swing and last night the federal opposition in Australia staged their policy launch for the federal election to be held on August 21, 2010. This is a campaign where both sides of politics are running on their respective claims to be better at implementing fiscal austerity measures. It has become a matter of who is promising the biggest budget cuts the earliest. It has made the parties barely distinguishable in terms of their overall policy appeal and has rendered both unfit to govern this country. It used to be said that procyclical fiscal policy was destabilising. This was typically in the context of neo-liberals claiming that expansionary policy always came too late and added to private spending that was already on the rebound and thus increased the inflation risk. But the reverse doesn’t appear to apply for the mainstreamers. Cutting public spending when private spending is weak is being held out as virtuous and the only way to engender growth. This inconsistency exposes the ideological nature of the austerity measures, which reflect as one UK commentator said recently – a desire to complete the neo-liberal demolition of the welfare state started 30 years ago but still incomplete or a reflection that the deficit hawks are total lunatics.

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The OECDs perverted view of fiscal policy

It is interesting how the big neo-liberal economic organisations like the IMF and the OECD are trying to re-assert their intellectual authority on the policy debate again after being unable to provide any meaningful insights into the cause of the global crisis or its immediate remedies. They were relatively quiet in the early days of the crisis and the IMF even issued an apology, albeit a conditional one. It is clear that the policies the OECD and the IMF have promoted over the last decades have not helped those in poorer nations solve poverty and have also maintained persistently high levels of labour underutilisation across most advanced economies. It is also clear that the economic policies these agencies have been promoting for years were instrumental in creating the conditions that ultimately led to the collapse in 2007. Now they are emerging, unashamed, and touting even more destructive policy frameworks.

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Fiscal policy worked – evidence

At the end of 2008 and into 2009, as the real sectors in our economies were starting to experience the aggregate demand collapses instigated by the banking crisis, most governments took steps to stop the meltdown from becoming the next Depression. At times, the unwinding private spending looked to be pushing the world to those depths. So after years of eschewing active fiscal policies, governments suddenly rediscovered the fiscal keyboard key and in varying magnitudes pushed fairly large expenditure injections into their economies. Most of the mainstream economists who had been teaching their students for years that this would be futile were silent because they had to hide out in shame given their textbook models could neither explain how we got into the mess nor how to get out of it. But there were some notable exceptions from Harvard and Chicago who came out attacking governments for being profligate. They claimed their models would demonstrate that the fiscal interventions would come to nothing (Barro, Becker, Taylor all were leading this charge). Lesser lights, then emboldened, joined the throng screaming that proponents of the stimulus strategy should provide evidence. Well the evidence has been mounting and the conservatives should just lock their office doors and go home to their families in shame.

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Inflation targeting spells bad fiscal policy

Australia’s central bank governor is now appearing in the world press as something of a hero for putting interest rates up recently in defiance of world trends. Today he is featured in many finance home pages for his statement that the RBA cannot afford to be timid in putting rates up in the current months. This has raised expectations that we are in a race to get the target rate up towards their so-called neutral rate sometime soon. So almost rock star status for our central bank governor. Pity, the whole paradigm he is representing is destructive and helped get us into this mess in the first place. This blog explains why inflation targeting per se is not the issue. The problem is that fiscal policy becomes subjugated to the monetary policy dominance. This passivity manifests as the obsessive pursuit of budget surpluses which allegedly support the inflation-first stance. But this policy strategy is extremely damaging in real terms and will provoke another debt-bust cycle sometime in the future.

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How fiscal policy saved the world

Today I read an interview with Richard Koo from the Nomura Research Institute in Japan who is the touring the world promoting his views of why the fiscal stimulus packages are so important. His views are drawn from his extensive experience of the Japanese malaise that began in the 1990s. The interview was published in the September 11 edition of welling@weeden which is a private bi-weekly emanating from the US. I cannot link to it because you have to pay to read. Anyway, much of what he says reinforces the fundamental principles of modern monetary (MMT) and is quite antagonistic to mainstream economic thinking. It is the latter which is now mounting political pressure to cut the stimulus packages. Koo thinks this would be madness, a view I concur with.

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Employment guarantees build certainty into fiscal policy

There were two related stories this week from either side of the Pacific Ocean. From the east coast came – Rollout of jobs scheme ‘a sham’ and from the west coast – Stimulus Is Bankrupt Antidote to Failed Stimulus. While the US-based article is a polemic from the right-wing American Enterprise Institute and the second is a journalist’s reporting on Australian political trivia, they both raise interesting issues regarding the way fiscal policy is conducted. The issues raised provide further justification for employment guarantee schemes as a sophisticated addition to the automatic stabilisation capacity that is inherent in fiscal policy and makes it superior to monetary policy.

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Australian labour market – emerging signs that tight fiscal and monetary policy is killing prosperity

It’s been a big data week and after the US inflation data that I analysed on Monday, and the Australian wage data (analysed yesterday), we have the Australian labour force data release by the Australian Bureau of Statistics – Labour Force, Australia – for July 2023 today (August 17, 2023). The July result shows a weakening situation (although the rotation in the sample contributed to this somewhat). Employment fell (particularly full-time) and unemployment rose to 3.7 per cent (up 0.2 points). There are now 10.1 per cent of the available and willing working age population who are being wasted in one way or another – either unemployed or underemployed. That extent of idle labour means Australia is not really close to full employment despite the claims by the mainstream commentators. As I noted yesterday, wages growth is declining and modest. We will see next month whether this weakening is, in fact, a trend consistent with other indicators (retail sales, etc). Given inflation has been in decline since last September and there is no wages pressure, there is no reason for policy settings to be trying to push people into joblessness. That is just an act of bastardry and ideological zealotry.

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Euro policy elites deliberately destroyed jobs and income to achieve erroneous fiscal goals

As Mario Draghi’s tenure at the helm of the ECB draws to a close, he becomes (slightly) more pointed and looser with his public statements. On Friday (October 11, 2019), he gave a speech – Policymaking, responsibility and uncertainty – at the Università Cattolica in Milan on the occasion of receiving the Laurea Honoris Causa (honorary degree). He broadened the scope of his policy ambit by saying that “I will not focus strictly on monetary policy or the business of central banking, but I would like instead to share my thoughts on the nature of policy responsibility.” In the same week, the Eurogroup (the European Finance Ministers) of the European Commission released a press release – Remarks by Mário Centeno following the Eurogroup meeting of 9 October 2019 (October 10, 2019) – which announced that they had agreed to a “a budgetary instrument for the euro area – the so-called BICC”. Don’t get too excited. The BICC will only achieve the status of an “Inter-Governmental Agreement”, meaning it will not be embodied in the Treaties. Also, the Member States will have to contribute funds in advance and must “co-finance” withdrawals. And, as usual, there was no mention of the fund size, which will be miniscule if history tells us anything. But this is all context for Mario Draghi’s Speech.

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Fiscal austerity obsession – that’s a dud policy!

I have been reading the latest report from the International Labour Organization (ILO) – World of Work Report 2012 – which documents the disastrous trends in employment that are expected as fiscal austerity grinds economies into the ground. The ILOs Social Unrest Index has risen in 57 out of 106 nations and negatively related to employment fortunes. The ILO also found that “deregulation policies … fail to boost growth and employment” and “there is no clear link between labour market reforms and employment levels”. They conclude that the “austerity trap” is destroying jobs and that concerted effort is needed to ensure that “wages grow in line with productivity” and that there should be a “coordinated increase in the minimum wage”. I will analyse this report in more detail another day because it is schizophrenic in approach reflecting the struggle within the ILO between the neo-liberal influences that have grown over the last few decades and the more balanced labour market understandings that come from a thorough understanding of the importance of labour market institutions and government oversight and a keen appreciation of the empirical dimensions. But today I am going to briefly reflect on an extraordinary interview – Former Reserve Bank Governor bemoans state of politics and inequity – on the ABC current affairs program – 7.30 – last night, where the former RBA governor let fly at budget surplus obsessions and demanded more expansionary fiscal and monetary policy interventions at a time when demand is faltering and growth falling. And some other snippets appear afterwards.

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Majority of Australians want fiscal deficits to be maintained and the majority of younger Australians want to ditch capitalism

We are now full-swing into the national election campaign in Australia (election on May 3, 2025) and we have a new party – the Trumpet of Patriots – (funded by a property developer/miner) channelling Trump’s approach, the conservatives channelling Trump’s approach (although with a slight more subtle voice but not much), the Greens chasing their tails, and the Labor government desperately trying to stay in power after running scared of doing very much over the last three years. It is not a great choice. The usual scare tactics from the Opposition are out in force – immigration, defence vulnerabilities, etc and the usual ‘free market’ stuff. The Labor government keeps hammering on about their fiscal rectitude – two surpluses out of three – as if we are all mainstream economists who are obsessed with those irrelevancies. But it seems that the voters are not so aligned with mainstream economists.

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Australian fiscal statement – rising unemployment amidst a moderate fiscal contraction

Last night (March 25, 2025), the Australian government delivered the latest fiscal statement for 2025-26 (aka – The Budget – and, in doing so tried to win renewed electoral appeal given its waning popularity and a national election that has to be held in the next 6 or so weeks. So it offered the tax cuts and other inducements to the voters. But the underlying tenor of the fiscal position is unsustainable not because it is predicting on-going fiscal deficits out to 2028-29 but because those deficits will be too small relative to other trends that are likely to occur (external sector and household consumption spending). While the commentariat has been in conniptions about ‘eye watering red ink’ for a far as we can see (their eyes are poor), the fact is that the projected fiscal deficit is about the average level since 1970-71. But in the current environment, the forecasted government contraction will damage the economy and push unemployment up further than they are forecasting. Sure enough, the Government handed out some dollops of cost-of-living relief to low-income families – a few pennies in the scheme of things and that will probably help them retain votes. But with all the challenges ahead now is not the time to be in contractionary mode. Winning the election is one thing, but neglecting a host of existential matters in the medium term is not the way to go.

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Five years into a pandemic and fiscal fictions have left space for nonsense to propagate

Life expectancy has fallen since Covid in almost every country although the policy response has been exactly the opposite to what should be expected. We now have the United States Secretary of Health and Human Services advocating ‘personal choice’ in vaccine take up while he recommended Vitamin A to deal with a spreading measles outbreak in Texas. Decades of science is being disregarded in favour of ideology. We are now five years into the Covid pandemic and the data suggests that the costs of our disregard will accumulate over time as more people die, become permanently disabled and lose their capacity to work. We also know that the ‘costs’ of the pandemic have been (and will be) borne by the more disadvantaged citizens in the community. I was talking to a medical doctor the other day in a social environment and I learned something new – that in Australia, there is a difficult process that one has to go through to get access to the ‘free’ (on the National Health list) anti-viral drugs if one gets Covid. However, if you have $A1,000 handy, you can ring your GP up and get an instant prescription for the same drugs and avoid all the hassle, which has reduced access significantly for lower income households. Another example of how fiscal fiction (governments haven’t enough money) favour the high income cohorts.

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British government spending cuts will probably increase the fiscal deficit and make the ‘non negotiable’ fiscal rules impossible to achieve

The British press are reporting that the Government there is planning further spending cuts of the order of billions of pounds because the economic environment has changed and the current fiscal trajectory is threatening their self-imposed fiscal rules thresholds. We already heard last week how the Government is significantly cutting Overseas Aid as it ramps up military expenditure. Now, it is reported that billions will be cut from the welfare area and the justification being used is that there is widespread rorting of that system by welfare cheats. There are several points to make. First, getting rid of rorting is desirable. But I have seen no credible research that suggests such skiving is of a scale sufficient to justify cutting billions out of welfare outlays. Second, quite apart from that question, the micro attack on the welfare outlays have macroeconomic consequences. The British Office of Budget Responsibility estimates that the output gap is close to zero which means it is claiming there is full employment. Even if that is true, that state is underpinned by the current level of government spending (whether it is on cheats or not). If the spending cuts that are targetting rorting are not replaced by spending elsewhere then a recession will occur and the Government will surely fail to achieve its ‘non negotiable’ fiscal rule targets. It is a mess of their own making.

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Britain and its fiscal rule death wish

Governments that adhere to the mainstream macroeconomic mantras about fiscal rules and appeasing the amorphous financial markets have a habit of undermining their own political viability. As Australia approaches a federal election (by May 2025), the incumbent Labor government, which slaughtered the Conservative opposition in the last election, is now facing outright loss to a Trump-style Opposition leader if the latest polls are to be believed. That government has shed its political appeal as it pursued fiscal surpluses while the non-government sector, particularly the households, endured cost-of-living pressures, in no small part due to the relentless profit gouging from key corporations (energy, transport, retailing, etc). The government has not been riven with scandals or leadership instability. But its amazingly fast loss of voting support is down to its unwillingness to take on the gouging corporations and also to claim virtue in the fiscal surpluses, while the purchasing power loss among households has been significant. The same sort of death wish is arising now in the UK, although the British Labour government is at the other end of its electoral cycle which gives it some space to learn from its already mounting list of economic mistakes. The British government situation is more restrictive than the case of the Australian Labor government because the former has agreed to voluntarily constrain itself via an arbitrary fiscal rule.

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Germany’s sectoral decline and its obsession with fiscal austerity

I am currently researching statistical and textual material as part of my plan to produce an updated version of my 2015 book – Eurozone Dystopia: Groupthink and Denial on a Grand Scale (published May 2015) – to take into account the pandemic, Brexit and other major changes that impact on Europe’s position in the world economy and the internal shifts within Europe itself that will make it even more difficult for the Member State nations to maintain their material living standards. My publisher (Edward Elgar) is keen to push this project on. As part of this work I have been examining changes since 2015 across various European states. Today, I discuss the decline in Germany’s fortunes that has arisen as a result of a combination of circumstances: an obsession with fiscal austerity; the suppression of domestic spending capacity; the unrelenting promotion of the so-called ‘export-reliant, manufacturing-heavy economic model’; the election of Donald Trump; and the maturing of the Chinese economy. German politicians, particularly, have become so caught up in the ‘Schwarze Null’ ideology that they have failed to anticipate the medium- and longer-term consequences of their actions. These consequences were all laid out in my 2015 book but policy makers have generally ignored any criticisms of the ‘German model’. Now the chickens are coming home to roost. Fast. And it spells bad times for Europe.

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Australian government announces a small shift in the fiscal deficit and it was if the sky was falling in

Yesterday (December 19, 2024), the Australian government published their so-called – Mid-Year Economic and Fiscal Outlook 2024-25 (MYEFO) – which basically provides an updated set of projections and statuses of the fiscal position six months after the major fiscal statement was released in May. One would have thought the sky was falling in given the press coverage in the last 24 hours. The standard of media commentary in Australia on fiscal matters is beyond the pail.

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RBA monetary policy decision defies logic

Well, as I write this late in the Kyoto afternoon, Donald Trump has just made a victory speech after an incredible day of election outcomes unfolding. As I wrote last week, the only moral and reasonable position for a progressive to take in this election would be to vote for Jill Stein and send a strong message to the two major candidates that they were totally unelectable. I reject the claim that that strategy would just deliver a victory for Trump. However, the Democrats can’t really deflect blame like that for their horrendous policies in relation to the Israel issue and more. So the US faced a Hobson’s choice and I hope progressive parties elsewhere heed the message of Harris’s loss. But today I want to write a bit about yesterday’s (November 5, 2024) decision by the Reserve Bank of Australia (RBA) to hold their cash rate target interest rate (the policy rate) constant. With inflation falling quickly, there is no logic to that decision. The RBA keep claiming that there is excess demand in the economy but that is an unsupportable claim given the evidence.

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These claimed essential fiscal rules in the UK seems to be disposable at the whim of the polity

Regular readers will know I have been a long-time critic of the fiscal rules that successive British governments have invoked as part of a pretence that they were being somehow responsible fiscal managers. The problem was that in trying to keep within these artificial thresholds, governments would do the exact opposite to what a responsible fiscal manager would do, which is preserve the integrity of public infrastructure, ensure public services reflected need, and steer the nation in a direction where it was able to meet the challenges that beset it. This period of ‘fiscal rule’ domination has been defined by relentless fiscal austerity and a degradation of living standards as successive governments pursued the neoliberal agendas. Now, it seems the British Labour government is finally realising that it cannot achieve its aims while retaining the fiscal rules they so tenaciously claimed were essential. Back when John McDonnell was the shadow chancellor I told him the rules were unachievable given his policy ambitions. His support crew – academics and apparatchiks vicariously slandered me for running that line. They were wrong and the current decision by the Chancellor to alter the rules proves that. But it also proves how ridiculous these rules are anyway.

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More misery and dysfunction coming for France – as the fiscal rules bite

For all those Europhile progressives who have held out that reform is the way to deal with the neoliberalism of the European Union and even, in some cases, claimed that the austerity mindset was over (once the fiscal rules enshrined in the Stability and Growth Pact were temporarily suspended during the pandemic), the behaviour of the French government should wake them out of their delusional reverie. The new Prime Minister addressed the National Assembly last week and outlined a new fiscal direction involving significant expenditure cuts and tax hikes. His plan will not satisfy the European Commission, however, who under the Excessive Deficit Protocol (EDP) have indicated they want a faster transition back to the fiscal rule thresholds (that is, even harsher austerity than Barnier is proposing). This policy shift is in the context of an elevated unemployment rate (which is rising) and an already significant output gap. The austerity is likely to push the unemployment rate towards 9 per cent (around) and will be a disaster for the prosperity of the French people who are still enduring the cost-of-living fallout from the pandemic and the Russian-Ukraine situation. Add in the possible impacts of the Middle East crisis and we have a failed state. Once again the fiscal rules defined within the EMU architecture are going to deliver shocking outcomes.

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More economists are now criticising the British government’s fiscal rules – including those who influenced their design

There is renewed debate in Britain at present on the use and design of the new government’s fiscal rules, which many people are now saying will force expenditure cuts which will “damage the ‘foundations of the economy”, according to the Financial Times article (September 16, 2024) – UK spending cuts would damage ‘foundations of the economy’, Reeves told. Those reported ‘telling’ Reeves include British economists, who were instrumental in the design of the rules that the new Chancellor has taken on and deemed necessary to rigidly control government spending. The economists claim that if Reeves continues to operate according to the fiscal rule “inherited by the Labour government” it will cut public investment expenditure significantly and undermine prosperity. I agree that the application of the ‘Fiscal Rules’ will be damaging but I find it amusing that some of the ‘Letter Writing Economists’ were prominent in advocating such rules in the past as the way ahead for British Labour are now criticising those rules.

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