I suddenly realised what has been going on all this time. They have been smoking some doobies – some real strong doobies and their heads are not what they used to be. How cool is that conclusion? It explains everything – why they typically miss the point of everything; why they say really dumb things most of the time; why they usually look half asleep; why they think down is up or up is down; why they continually think that what is good for them is bad for them and vice versa and all of that funk. I am so relaxed now – I actually thought there was a problem. But a bit of weed is doing it. I guess it is time for them to ease up on their intake though or their lack of concentration and awareness of reality will become entrenched. We need all the citizens we have thinking clearly and working together.

This week is a big week for the banks in Australia being the annual reporting time when they are forced to disclose the remuneration packages that they pay out to their management. The banks have been under attack – again – for gouging their customers with spurious arguments about rising costs and falling margins. While some of their costs may have risen from the rock-bottom levels before the crisis, the evidence does not support the narrative that the banks are now presenting to the public as a precursor to further gouging. The big debate though – which is simmering – is about the purpose of banking in a monetary economy. Essentially, banks are public institutions given they are guaranteed by the government. But there is a tension between their public nature and the fact that the management of the banks claim their loyalty lies to their shareholders (and their own salaries). This tension has led to the global financial crisis and its very destructive aftermath. However, while the real economy still languishes in various states of decay, the financial sector has bounced back under the safety net of the government’s socialisation of their losses. How long will all of us citizens tolerate this? The solution to the tension is to socialise both the gains and losses of the banking sector. In that sense, nationalisation of the banking system is a sound principle to aim for. This would eliminate the dysfunctional, anti-social pursuit of private profit and ensure these special “public” institutions serve public purpose at all times.

The news from the US housing market remains pretty bleak three years after the financial crisis began. Last week, we read that attorneys general from all 50 states were investigating allegations that some major banks inappropriately reviewed mortgage files and/or tendered false foreclosure statements which led to the eviction of thousands of delinquent borrowers from their homes. Apparently, banks and credit suppliers used “robo-signers” to sign false affidavits. The US federal regulators are meeting today (October 20, 2010) to discuss the “foreclosure crisis”. The question is whether this will become a bigger problem and spill over into the real economy and worsen the unemployment crisis. The governments have all the tools and capacity they need to ensure that any financial crisis is totally insulated from the real economy. But their reluctance to show the necessary policy leadership almost ensures that a financial crisis will spread and wreak havoc in the real economy. Their lack of policy action amounts to plain stupidity or malicious contempt for their citizens. Probably both.

I happened to re-read an article from the 1960s today – The paranoid style in American politics – written by Richard Hofstadter which was published in the November 1964 edition of Harper’s Magazine. It is one of those articles you should re-read from time to time to remind yourself that not a lot changes. What we call the deficit terrorists now were alive and well then and predicted that anything government amounted to a descent into communism with accompanying mayhem. The facts are clear. The US and most of the world enjoyed positive contribution from government net spending (budget deficits) for most of the post Second World War period and managed to avoid becoming communist (although they might have been better off if they had!). Today, the same paranoia is evident in the interventions into the policy debate from the deficit terrorists. They are so anxious. But underlying their alleged anxiety is a visceral hatred of anything government (except when the handouts are in their favour). None of the calls for fiscal consolidation are based on any firm understanding of how the monetary system works.

Answer: out towards the far right. Today’s blog adds to my previous posts where I consider so-called progressive interventions in the policy debate and show that they are really nothing more than attenuated forms of neo-liberalism. The evidence is that what goes for progressive input these days bears no resemblance to what we used to consider represented progressive thinking. The way the population has been inveigled into accepting policy positions and justification that are represented as “centrist” but are, in fact, what we used to call right-wing positions is one of the success stories of the neo-liberal era. The tendency of so-called progressive organisations to mimic the language and concepts of the right is one of the main constraints on advancing a solid attack on the conservative orthodoxy that created and perpetuated the crisis and which is setting nations up for a repeat in the coming years.

I read an interesting briefing yesterday (October 13, 2010) from the latest Morgan Stanley “Daily Downunder” report Money for Nothing. I cannot link to it because it is a subscription service. The briefing is notable because while it is thoroughly mainstream in its tack, it does present for the first time an awareness that the underlying national income distribution in favour of an ever increasing profit share is problematic and will not sustain a stable recovery. The report also clearly demonstrates that fiscal policy promoted real income growth over the last few years – the only source of private income growth – but this growth has been captured by profits without commensurate growth in employment. The argument resonates with earlier blogs that I have written and confirms two things: (a) the deficit terrorists who want to push for increasing fiscal austerity are dangerous and if successful will push the world economy back into recession; and (b) apart from sustaining the fiscal support for aggregate demand and private saving there needs to be a comprehensive redistribution of income towards the wage share. As a first step a major policy intervention focused on job creation will help achieve that desired redistribution. But more structural policy interventions are required to reverse the neo-liberal attack on the wage share. Once we realise that we have to reject the whole logic of neo-liberalism. That is the challenge – and the necessity – in the period ahead – if broadly shared prosperity is to return.

Today I provide some alternative insights to to recent (not so) Nobel prize awards in Economics. It is claimed that the work of the three winners has “conferred the greatest benefit on mankind” (being the criteria for the award). The reality is that the major insights to be drawn from this trio is that mass unemployment does not exist and that unemployment is largely voluntary or a function of over-generous income support policies by “misguided” governments. The policy recommendations to be drawn from their work focus on cutting the meagre benefits that governments provide to the unemployed in times of strife. The winners’ work tells us that they think workers are lazy and do not search effectively enough, in part, because they have it too good in their jobless state. I rank their work among the most distressing and obscene of all the disgraceful con jobs that the mainstream of my profession has deliberately foisted on the public policy process.

I have some good news that some of you may have already heard about but it is worth repeating. Harvard deficit terrorist Gregory Mankiw, who poisons the minds of millions of economics students with his preposterous textbook is going to work less because he has faces lower income as a result of the temporary Bush high marginal tax rates cuts being terminated. Apparently, he is getting a sudden preference for leisure. While there is a desperate need for more fiscal expansion in the US at present it seems that the US government could help all of us by mixing the net spending injection with some marginal tax rate adjustments targetted towards high income earners. By fine tuning the top marginal rates they should be able to get Gregory to give up work altogether and then the rest of us would be better off as a result. Meanwhile, the UK government also claiming to be against budget deficits thinks it will make its poorest citizens work more by ensuring they have less income. Notwithstanding the lack of jobs the inconsistency of the logic is something else. Go figure!

The attacks on the use of fiscal policy to stabilise the domestic economies of nations that are still languishing in the aftermath of the financial crisis has moved to a new dimension – a escalation in the attack on China and its stupid policy of managing its currency’s exchange rate. The debate is interesting because it is in fact a reprise of discussions that raged in previous historical periods. Each time there is a prolonged recession, governments start suggesting that the problem lies in the conduct of other governments. There is a call for increasing protection (“trade wars”) or demands for some currency or another to appreciate (“currency wars”). The prolonged recession is always the result of the governments failing to use their fiscal capacity to maintain strong aggregate demand in the face of a collapse in private spending. Typically, this failure reflects the fact that the governments succumb to political from the conservatives and either don’t expand fiscal policy enough or prematurely reign in the fiscal expansion. These episodes have repeatedly occurred in history. And at times, when some “offending” governments have been bullied into a currency appreciation (for example) the desired effects are not realised and a host of unintended and undesirable outcomes emerge. This debate is another example of the way mainstream economics steers the policy debate down dead-ends and constrains governments from actually implementing effective interventions that generate jobs and get their economies back on the path of stable growth. So the yuan appreciation debate – just another sideshow. I wonder why we bother.