The head of the IMF gave an extraordinary interview to the UK Guardian (May 25, 2012) – Christine Lagarde: can the head of the IMF save the euro?. It is extraordinary because of the language used by the IMF boss and the almost shameless increase in the intensity of Troika bullying of Greece at its prepares for another round of national elections to attempt to resolve the impasse that was left after the last election. The Troika know full well that the majority of people in Greece hate austerity and support an alternative growth-oriented policy agenda. The Troika also knows that its spin that austerity means growth is not resonating with European voters who can read the newspapers and understand the blatant untruth of the fiscal contraction expansion narrative. So they are exploiting the irrational view held by the majority of Greeks that they are better off staying with the Euro. By making out that the issue is about membership of the Euro, the Troika are introducing fear into the voting process to reinforce the TINA line that austerity is the only show in town. The Greek voters will succumb to that fear because they do not appreciate that membership of the Euro is austerity under current arrangements.

The International Labour Organization (ILO) released its Global Employment Trends for Youth 2012 report today (May 22, 2012). It is harrowing reading and I will consider it later in the week. It tells us that youth unemployment is rising and will be unlikely to see any improvement until at least 2016. The ILO recommend a raft of government initiatives which would require budget deficits to expand. But, of-course, the dominant political narrative is to cut deficits in the false belief that this will engender growth. Exactly the opposite is happening and for good reason. I came across an article from 1982 today which tells us why austerity is dangerous and damaging. It also conditions us to understand that budget deficits are neither good nor bad but policy choices can be.

How bad is it going to get? That was the question that the UK Guardian asked the head of the UK Office for Budget Responsibility in an interview last week. It was in relation to the likely fallout if Greece defaults and leaves the Eurozone. He replied that the UK would be irreparably damaged. The fact is that Greece has already defaulted. The other fact is that if they do leave the EMU (which would be the best strategy) the impact on currency-issuing nations such as Britain can be managed away by sensible fiscal policy. For those who are predicting deep gloom the culprit is not the possible actions of Greece or any Eurozone nation but rather the irresponsible pursuit of austerity among sovereign nations. The reason Britain has a double-dip recession is all down to the decisions its own government have made. Organisations like the OBR support the flawed decisions with poor forecasting. Taken together this malaise reflects a mainstream macroeconomic framework that is incapable of providing policy advice which will deliver sustained prosperity to the population. The same flawed theoretical framework spawns the ever-growing hysteria about what will happen if Greece exits. The mania is reaching proportions similar to those a few years ago when rising budget deficits were predicted to cause huge hikes in interest rates and/or hyperinflation. All these forecasts fail because they are made by those who do not understand how the system works.

I have been reading about the Great Depression lately and comparing the sort of pressures that governments were placed under during that time to cut deficits which were rising on the back of a collapse in economic activity to what is going on today. There are many interesting parallels and déjà vu experiences. That research took me into some literature on the way the governments bow to industry demands as aggregate demand collapses. In turn, that led me to the way the military-industrial complex operates. Which took me into another literature on the role of the military-industrial complex in creating wars to provide markets for their goods – the merchants of death. And so it goes. That is the nature of research – it just takes one on a journey and usually to destinations previously not imagined. But this journey also clarifies some issues that readers regularly write to me about. The relationship between Modern Monetary Theory (MMT) as a macroeconomic framework and issues that issues that lie below the aggregate level – such as distributional issues. There are links clearly (for example, income distribution affects aggregate demand) but in other ways what is “good” at the macro level may well be downright disastrous at the micro level. But in dealing with the disaster at the micro level, we always have to be mindful of the way dealing with that disaster impacts on the aggregates. This is particularly important in considering issues relating to trade. The military-industrial complex is an excellent case study of these challenges. Here are some early thoughts.

I was going to write about military expenditure today in the light of large cuts to defense spending that the Australian government made in last week’s Budget and the decision by the Obama Administration to make it easier for American firms to export military equipment (to who knows where!). The concept of the military-industrial complex is interesting and, to some extent, the issues that are being raised by the US decision were discussed during the Great Depression (I have been reading a lot of material from the 1930s lately). While some might (from a micro perspective) conclude that reducing spending on the military is a good thing (less violence etc) they also have to be mindful of the macro perspective which considers a $ spend on a tank to be equivalent in its impact on aggregate demand as a $ spent on public education – well nearly. But I will write about that tomorrow. There were two interesting interventions into the public debate in Australia yesterday from the current Treasury boss and the recently departed Treasury boss which have general application everywhere. While they are current I thought I would consider these general points today.

Last night’s Federal Budget in Australia proved once again how dominant the macroeconomic myths are in policy development. You can read my pre-Budget comments – Budget 2012: a recipe for disaster – and apart from the 2011-12 deficit being larger than the Government planned as a result of the slowing economy undermining its estimated tax revenue (in other words, the Government was overly optimistic in its forecasts last year) I would not have written much different after seeing all the Budget documents. It remains the largest fiscal consolidation attempted in one fiscal year (equivalent to 3 per cent of GDP) at a time that GDP is growing around 2.5 per cent.and I cannot see private spending growth picking up to fill the gap. Outcome – a movement towards recession. Conclusion – poor fiscal management. But the Budget Papers that the Government releases are always interesting reading and one day I plan to trace the evolution of the shifts in macroeconomic ideology through the way the papers are presented (format, tables, and narratives). There you learn what the economists in Treasury think and the ideas espoused are generally applicable to the international debate given that the tentacles of the dominant paradigm of the day spread widely. In Budget Paper No 1, Statement 4 – Building Resilience Through National Saving we are provided with a demonstration lesson of how a fiat monetary system does not work and a classic depiction of the way the mainstream narrative deceives the citizens.