There was a Wall Street Journal article (March 14, 2012) – Default and the Nature of Government – which demonstrates how a recall to history can be misused if key additional (contextual) information is left out of the discussion. The article in fact tells us nothing meaningful about the likelihood of sovereign debt default. The sub-title relates to the latest news from the Netherlands which suggests that the strident rhetoric of their leadership about the failure of the “southern” states to meet their obligations to the Eurozone might now be coming back to haunt them. If they are not, then they should. If the Dutch are to be consistent then massive and destructive penalties should now be imposed on them by Brussels. They won’t be – but that just tells you how dysfunctional the Eurozone is!

I haven’t much time to write a blog today (travel and other commitments). But I have been examining tax revenue data for the EU in the last day or so as part of another project and thought the following might be of interest. The analysis is still unfinished (by a long way). But to the news – I laughed when I read the story from Der Spiegel (March 12, 2012) – Germany Fails To Meet Its Own Austerity Goals – which listed Germany as a serial offender in the hypocrisy stakes. I also laughed when I read that the German Finance Minister, in between games of Sudoku, told a gathering in Berlin yesterday that (as reported in a Bloomberg video) “deficit spending is the wrong way to bolster economic growth” and that “People who believe you can generate growth without pursuing budget consolidation have “learned nothing from the experience of the crisis.” The combination of staggering hypocrisy and manifest arrogance (thinking that the world is so stupid that they actually believe austerity will deliver growth) seems to have reached new heights.

In January 2011, 44 per cent of Spanish working people below the age of 25 were unemployed. A year later Eurostat report (in its March 1, 2012 publication) – Euro Indicators – that the rate has climbed to 49.9. For the overall labour force in Spain, the unemployment rate rose from 21.7 per cent to 23.3 per cent over the same period. That is Great Depression-type magnitudes. At the other end of the unemployment spectrum, currently, is The Netherlands. Their overall unemployment rate has risen from 4.3 per cent in January 2011 to 5 per cent in January 2012. Notwithstanding the massive underemployment in The Netherlands (almost 50 per cent of the working age population work part-time – average is less than 20 per cent for EU) and the large proportion of workers hidden from unemployment by disability support pensions – this is a low unemployment rate. And therein lies the rub. The Dutch Centraal Planning Bureau released its latest – Short-term forecast yesterday (March 1, 2012) which showed that over the next 4 years it will violate the current Stability and Growth Pact (SGP) and face fines under the Excessive Deficit Procedure. And to put a finer point on this – the Dutch government has been one of the more rabid proponents of fiscal austerity and one of the first to heel-click in line to sign Germany’s … sorry the EU’s fiscal compact. All of that should tell you that the current leadership in Europe has no viable solution to its crisis. Some French economists have come up with a solution. This blog considers their work and concludes they are on the right track but haven’t penetrated all the neo-liberal myths that they seek to highlight.

It has been interesting to watch how various members of my profession are dealing with the on-going crisis over the last 4 years. Clearly, imbued with the notion that the “business cycle” is dead, which the mainstream macro economists had been attempting to establish as a given in the public debate, most economists were in denial at the outset of the crisis. That denial moved into the manic deficit terrorism that has sought to reconstruct the private debt crisis into a sovereign debt crisis – which allowed them to vent on their pet topic – dislike of government fiscal policy when used to increase employment. They have no problems with active fiscal policy when it is aimed at contraction. They just hate the public sector supporting growth even when the private sector is incapable of doing so. But as the empirical reality has increasingly rejected the predictions of the mainstream macroeconomic models – there has been no inflation breakout or rising interest rates or sovereign government insolvency – there has been a shift going on. Some of those that were advocating austerity now seem to be advocating growth. But when you dig a little deeper there is no fundamental catharsis in my profession going on. The only motivation for those now saying Europe needs growth not austerity is that they are trying to distance themselves from the train wreck that the political leaders are creating there. As the title suggests – yesterday austerity, today growth – but leopards don’t change their spots.

According to the popular legend Nero, Roman Emperor from 54 to 68 and the last in the Julio-Claudian dynasty allegedly “fiddled while Rome burned” (played his lyre and singing) during the fire in 64 which destroyed most of Rome. His rule (and dynasty) ended 4 years later. The imagery of this out-of-touch and cruel leader strumming/plucking his stringed instrument (rumour notwithstanding) while his city and, soon after, his dynasty collapsed is powerful. Last Friday, Eurostat released the latest unemployment data for November 2011. The results were shocking with unemployment rates in Spain now close to 23 per cent (as at November 2011 and rising) and Greece 18.8 per cent (as at September 2011) and rising. Greece’s unemployment rate rose 4.8 per cent in the first 9 months of last year. Meanwhile, the European Commission is occupying itself with other concerns. Its Economic and Monetary Affairs Commissioner and Vice President, Olli Rehn has been sending letters out to member states indicating that he is disappointed they are falling behind their budget deficit reduction targets under the Excessive Deficit Procedure (embedded in the Stability and Growth Pact) and that the EC would be considering fines.

I have received a lot of E-mails overnight about developments in Hungary. The vast majority of these E-mails have suggested that these developments (sharp rise in government bond yields since November) coupled with the fact that the Hungary uses its own currency (the forint) and floats in on international markets provide problems for the Modern Monetary Theory (MMT) understanding of the monetary system. I have been digging into the data on Hungary for some months now as I learn more about the history of the nation and its political and institutional structure. I am always cautious researching foreign-language material because outside of documents published in Dutch or French my comprehension skills are weak and I know that even in English documents there are tricks in trying to come to terms with the way data is collected, compiled and disseminated. However, unlike many non-English-speaking nations, access to very detailed data for Hungary in English is reasonable. I will have more to write about their problems in the future as I accumulate and process more information. But at present what I can say is that Hungary is a very good example of what a government with its own currency should not do and the current developments reinforce the insights available from MMT rather than present us with problems. Hungary is in deep trouble exactly because it has violated some of the basic macroeconomic principles defining sound fiscal and monetary policy.

A repeating narrative during this crisis is that fiscal austerity is required in order to satisfy the “markets”, that amorphous collective of bond traders, gamblers, speculators, crooks and whatever else. The regular threats coming from the ratings agencies (those crooks who lied to investors in order to make profits via cosy deals with the originators of the “assets”) reinforce the idea that markets are the “regulators” of good judgement. Economics students are taught that one of the imperatives of government is to deregulate in order to allow the market signals to be clear and strong so we can act in accordance with the “markets” judgement of prudence. It is a paradigm built on a myth. Markets fail and easily become corrupted and arenas where criminals dominate. The signals they send are also deeply flawed and should not be acted upon. One of the lessons of this crisis is that our agents – the governments we elect – have to make markets work for us not the other way around. When markets fail to establish benchmarks that we do not consider to be in our best interests then it is time to reform them.