More economists are now criticising the British government’s fiscal rules – including those who influenced their design

There is renewed debate in Britain at present on the use and design of the new government’s fiscal rules, which many people are now saying will force expenditure cuts which will “damage the ‘foundations of the economy”, according to the Financial Times article (September 16, 2024) – UK spending cuts would damage ‘foundations of the economy’, Reeves told. Those reported ‘telling’ Reeves include British economists, who were instrumental in the design of the rules that the new Chancellor has taken on and deemed necessary to rigidly control government spending. The economists claim that if Reeves continues to operate according to the fiscal rule “inherited by the Labour government” it will cut public investment expenditure significantly and undermine prosperity. I agree that the application of the ‘Fiscal Rules’ will be damaging but I find it amusing that some of the ‘Letter Writing Economists’ were prominent in advocating such rules in the past as the way ahead for British Labour are now criticising those rules.

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British House of Lords Debt Report starts with false premises and then just repeats conventional fictions

On Tuesday (September 10, 2024), the UK House of Lords Economic Affairs Committee released their first report for the Session 2024-25 (HL Paper 5) – National debt: it’s time for tough decisions – which was the result of their decision to hold an inquiry – How sustainable is our national debt? – into whether “UK’s national debt is on a sustainable path” and whether “the Government’s fiscal rule regarding the national debt is meaningful”. They didn’t need a large-scale investigation to come up with answers to those questions: Yes and Not meaningful- are my answers based on the reality of the currency status of the British government.

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British GDP growth depends on the current fiscal position – a fact that is being forgotten

It seems that since they were elected British Labour, principally the Leader and Chancellor, have thought it necessary to put out ever increasing messages of doom and the need for tough fiscal action – aka austerity – despite them claiming when they were wooing the electorate that they would not pursue that ‘Tory’ option. Of course, they pulled the old stunt that once they were in office and had access to the ‘books’ they discovered, surprise surprise, that the state of government finances were even worse than they had imagined and that meant it was all to play for, which justified them taking tougher than planned actions. Every week passes since, it seems, when the tough talk gets tougher and core promises are abandoned. Tory policies that are the anathema of a progressive policy stance – such as the two-child benefit cap – will remain. And other Tory policies that were more ‘Labour like’ in nature will go – such as the Winter Fuel Payment received subsidy – will be severely cut back. There are many criticisms that I have made of the Chancellor’s stance (see previous blog posts) based on the absurdity of constructing the British government’s finances as equivalent in principle to the finances of a household issue. But, in addition to those more elemental issues, there is another matter that I have not seen addressed by the mainstream media nor the actual politicians relating to the proposed austerity. The whole discussion appears to be waged in a vacuum – context free. It is as if the current policy position, which the Chancellor claims is shocking and unsustainable, is divorced from the current broader economic reality in Britain. And that construction means that poor policy decisions will be made that will damage the material prosperity of the nation.

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The Bank of England does not need a tiered reserve system for the Government to avoid austerity

There is an interesting debate going on in the UK at present about the concept of tiered bank reserves. The concept is now being used by commentators to argue that the new British government does not need to inflict the austerity that the Chancellor has now announced (even though she is denying that is what the government is up to) because the government can simply reduce outlays to the commercial banks in order to meet the fiscal rules. The discussion is rather asinine really and features all the missteps that commentators make when trying to appear progressive but falling into the usual mainstream macroeconomic fictions.

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British Chancellor fails the basic test – language is meant to impart meaning

Language is meant to bring meaning to discourse. That means we want to use terms that convey information that is of use to us in making our way in the world. The problem is that economists have perverted that process and introduced a metaphorical language that is intended to persuade the reader/listener to accept a particular view of the world but which undermines their ability to actually understand the phenomenon in question. Marx knew long ago how language could be constructed to advance the interests of the ruling class. The mainstream economics commentary that is also used by politicians falls into this category. Terms are used that have no meaning in an elemental sense but provide support for ideological agendas. We, the public, allow that to happen because we are ignorant about the context. It becomes a vicious cycle of lies and fictions which undermine human and environmental sustainability but certainly transfer income to the top-end-of-town. A recent path setting address to the House of Commons by the new Chancellor is a classic example of this reality denial.

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British Labour’s election victory looks very unconvincing when we dig into the data

The UK General Election was held on Thursday, July 4, 2024 and the British Labour Party stormed home winning 411 of the 650 seats in the House of Commons to take a huge simple majority of 174 seats. The awful Tories were cleaned out well and truly and only managed 121 seats a loss overall of 251 seats. The Liberal Democrats improved their seat holding by 64 to end up with 72 (a rather dramatic reversal after they were shunned for siding with the Tories in past Parliaments). So for those who hate the Conservatives this was, on the face of it a huge win, surely. Not quite. In fact, despite the simple statistics above, Labour only gained a 1.7 per cent swing despite 14 years of shocking Tory rule, while the Tories endured a swing of 19.9 percentage points. In fact, the result highlighted the failed electoral system used in Britain – first past the post – when there are more than 2 parties involved, not to mention the demonstration of national apathy as captured by the 59.9 per cent turnout in the voluntary system, which was down by 7.4 percentage points on the last election. In other words, British Labour, despite all the hubris from the leadership actually performed pretty badly gaining 33.7 per cent of the 59.9 per cent who bothered to vote. And, into the bargain, their total vote dropped from 10,269,051 to 9,708,716. When considered in terms of the total registered voters then Labour was preferred by only 20.4 per cent. From the perspective of an outsider, these numbers are simply stunning and do not resonate with any reasonable concepts of representative government. The joker in the pack was, of course, the entry into the election of Reform UK, which effectively split the conservative vote and in this sort of electoral system grossly distorts the overall outcome. I conclude that British Labour can hardly claim to be in a safe position and less people wanted them to govern than when Jeremy Corbyn was leader.

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The new British Labour government will have to abandon its fiscal rule or deliver very little

It’s the Wednesday pot-pourri – British politics, self promotion, events, sport and music. Politicians invariably claim that the situation they inherit when they take office following an election is untenable and that the ‘public finances’ are worse than they had initially thought. Of course, the idea that ‘public finances’ can be good or bad or somewhere in between is a misnomer and just reflects the ignorance of the fiscal capacity that governments have (that is, currency-issuing governments). There is no such thing as a deteriorating public finance situation. So when Rachel Reeves got up after being elected the new Chancellor of the UK she was just posturing and telling the British people that they should not expect much better than what the Tories delivered. What can be good or bad or somewhere in between is the state of public infrastructure and public services. And after 14 years of devastating Tory rule, one can safely conclude that there is a huge deficit in the UK in that context. The question then is what can be done about it. My reading of the situation is that if Labour want to actually improve things significantly in terms of public service provision and the viability of Britain’s infrastructure then it will have to abandon its mindless fiscal rule. And it would be better that they do that quicksmart while they enjoy such a large domination of the Parliament.

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British Labour Party once again tripping over their nonsensical fiscal rules

Regular readers will know that I am not enamoured with the British Labour Party leadership and its obsession with its so-called fiscal rule, which is really just a continuation of the rule that the Tory’s were supposedly running with. How can a self-styled progressive party (so-called) that is about to take over a nation that has been shattered by 14 years of the worst Tory rule that one can imagine, and which will require billions of pounds to be spent to even put a dent in the degradation in infrastructure, services, not to mention addressing the forward-looking challenges (health, climate, etc), claim that a fiscal rule that is biased towards austerity be appropriate? It beggars belief. By continuing with such rules, the Labour Party is ensuring that it will either fail to make much headway in redressing the damage and placing Britain in a better position to deal with the carbon challenges or will fail to meet the fiscal rules or both. It is recipe for not much. Pity the British people who have already endured the consequences of supporting, first Blair’s Labour, then the long hard years of the bumbling and incompetent Tories. In today’s post I want to highlight one aspect of the fiscal rule absurdity, and actually say that Nigel Farage is right about one thing, although not for the right reasons. Read on – a story of corporate welfare and fiscal fictions unfolds.

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Progressive journalists in Britain so easily become willing mouthpieces for mainstream economic lies

Imagine if you are a UK Guardian reader and wanting to assess the options for an almost certain victory by Labour in the upcoming general election. Your understanding of the challenges facing the next government will be conditioned by what you have been reading in that newspaper. Unfortunately, there have been a stream of articles purporting to provide informed analysis of the challenges ahead and the capacities of the new British government to meet them which make it very hard for any progressive reader to assess the situation sensibly. These articles promote the usual macroeconomic fictions about the need for tight fiscal rules that will help the government avoid running out of money as it tries to deal with the decades of degeneration created by the austerity mindset. It is stunning how so-called progressive media commentators have so easily become willing mouthpieces for the mainstream economic lies which have only served to work against everything they purport to stand for. Business as usual though. Sadly.

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Tracing the British Labour Party’s fears of The City – Part 1

When I met with John McDonnell on October 11, 2018 at his Embankment office block in London he was then the Shadow Chancellor. The theme of the meeting was dominated by the concerns (near hysteria) about the power of the City of London (the financial markets), expressed by his advisor, a younger Labour Party apparatchik whose ideas are representative of the bulk of the progressive side of politics in Britain. The topic of the meeting centred on the fiscal rule that the British Labour Party chose to apparently establish credibility with the financial markets (‘The City’). I had long pointed out that the fiscal rule they had designed with the help of some New Keynesian macroeconomists was not just a neoliberal contrivance but was also impossible to meet and in that sense was just setting themselves up to failure should they have won office at the next election. Essentially, I was just met with denial. They just rehearsed the familiar line that the British government has to appease the financial interests in The City or face currency destruction. That fear is regularly rehearsed and has driven Labour policy for years. It wasn’t always that way though. As part of preliminary research for a book I plan to write next year I am digging into the history of this issue. What we learn is that the British government has all the legislative capacity it needs to render The City powerless in terms of driving policy. That raises the question as to why they don’t use it. All part of some work I am embarking on. The reason: I am sick to death of weak-kneed politicians who masquerade as progressive but who bow and scrape to the financial interests in the hope they will get a nice revolving door job when they exit politics. A good motivation I think.

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