One would reasonably think that if someone had been exposed in the past for pumping…
Government job creation programs deliver significant (net) long-term benefits
On April 5, 1933, US President Roosevelt made an executive decision to create the – Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) – which was a component of the suite of government programs referred to as the – New Deal – that defined the Federal government’s solution to the mass unemployment that arose during the early years of the – Great Depression. These programs have been heavily criticised by the free market set as being unnecessary, wasteful and ineffective. Critics assert that no long-term benefits are forthcoming from such programs. However, those assertions are never backed by valid empirical evidence. A recent study by US academics has provided the first solid piece of evidence that the CCC delivered massive long-term benefits to the individuals who participated in it. And these benefits considerably outweigh the dollars outlaid by the government. I discuss that research today. The results also point to the effectiveness of a Job Guarantee program.
The CCC and the other employment programs created hundreds of thousands of jobs and built valuable infrastructure.
Between 1933 and the program’s end in 1942, around 3 million young Americans were employed in the program.
The CCC was a “voluntary government work relief program that ran from 1933 to 1942 in the United States for unemployed, unmarried men ages 18–25 and eventually expanded to ages 17–28.”
Over its history, it created jobs for unskilled workers and has left a legacy from the millions of trees that were planted, the extensive works to mitigate against soil erosion and flooding in agricultural areas, the extensive development of hundreds of parklands throughout the country to name a few of the projects that were completed during the program’s tenure.
The workers received a wage that was partly allocated to helping their families back home.
The workers lived in work camps and the program gave them clothing and food during their employment.
Many participants were provided the opportunity to gain a basic education while employed – many workers who entered the program illiterate were taught to read during their tenure.
The work was deliberately designed to avoid competing with other jobs already being provided.
In his – Message to Congress on Unemployment Relief (March 21, 1933) – which introduced the CCC program, the President said:
I propose to create a civilian conservation corps to be used in simple work, not interfering with normal employment, and confining itself to forestry, the prevention of soil erosion, flood control and similar projects. I call your attention to the fact that this type of work is of definite, practical value, not only through the prevention of great present financial loss, but also as a means of creating future national wealth. This is brought home by the news we are receiving today of vast damage caused by floods on the Ohio and other rivers …
This enterprise is an established part of our national policy. It will conserve our precious natural resources. It will pay dividends to the present and future generations.
Of course, there was criticism of all the New Deal programs from inception.
At the time, the Left (particularly the trade unions) were critical because of its ‘military-style’ operation, especially given that the army was heavily involved in logistics as most of the workers came from the East to work in the West.
There were complaints that the projects were selected to satisfy the ‘pork barrel’ ambitions of local politicians.
A particular pastime of the ‘free market’ lobby in recent years has been to revise this period of history and declare that the New Deal did nothing positive.
In his 2012 book – Pity the Billionaire: The Hard-Times Swindle and the Unlikely Comeback of the Right – author Thomas Frank observes – in this period of conservative revisionism:
… it is evidently possible to listen to …. [the song] … and hear it as a call for a purified form of free-market economics, as a warning against public works projects, maybe as an endorsement of the Hoover administration, even … That conservatives are the rightful heirs to Depression culture. That the songs and books and movies of the thirties abound with lessons on the wisdom of markets and the failure of government …
The thirties, as we know them in the Internet age, are very different from the thirties we know from the canonical literature of the time or the standard histories of the period. To Google nearly any aspect of the first two Roosevelt administrations is to encounter almost immediately the obsessive loathing for the New Deal felt by conservative entertainers and libertarian economists.
I have considered this phenomenon previously, when similar criticism of government intervention arose during the GFC.
For example:
1. The non-existent but remarkable austerity-depreciation mechanism (August 1, 2012).
2. –When conservatives reinvent history to suit themselves (May 18, 2012).
In her 2007 book – The Forgotten Man: A New History of the Great Depression – which really should have been called ‘A made-up history of …’, the conservative author Amity Schlaes claimed that “the New Deal extended the length of the Depression and had deleterious effects on individuals.”
Thomas Frank considered her arguments in some detail and concluded that:
The larger object of Shlaes’ 2007 book … is to document the conservative article of faith that Roosevelt’s New Deal did not help the nation recover from the Depression. The author uses two measurements of the national economy to accomplish this goal: the Dow Jones Industrial Average and unemployment numbers. The first metric had little to do with the economy as average people experienced it; the second metric is actually rigged against Roosevelt – Schlaes counts people who held temporary government jobs as having been unemployed. The author thereby makes a mystery of the enthusiasm for FDR felt by the millions of people who were saved by jobs with the WPA. As for the standard yardstick of economic well-being – GDP growth – Shlaes does not even mention it at all.
On the chance that anyone gives a damn about what actually happened in the thirties, here are the numbers. GDP shrank dramatically from 1929 to 1933, then abruptly reversed course in the year after Roosevelt took office . “Real GDP increased 11% in 1934, 9% in 1935, and 13% in 1936″, writes the economist Christina Romer – and those percentages … dwarf the growth levels of the eighties, nineties and zeroes.”
Other studies of similar bent also deploy the trick of claiming unemployment didn’t really fall and reach that conclusion by excluding all the workers in the government job creation programs from the employment list.
Pretty simple really – 2 and 2 does not equal 4 if the second 2 is actually zero.
Schlaes responded to the criticisms saying the data (Wall Street Journal Article – November 29, 2008 behind paywall:
… intentionally did not include temporary jobs in emergency programs—because to count a short-term, make-work project as a real job was to mask the anxiety of one who really didn’t have regular work with long-term prospects.
So a rehearsal of the government jobs are not real jobs and provide no longer-term benefits for the individuals concerned.
I reflected on that past literature last week, when I read a new study in the Quarterly Journal of Economics, considered by the mainstream to be one of the top-ranking journals.
The article written by a number of academic researchers in the US – The Lifetime Impacts of the New Deal’s Youth Employment Program – (published in Volume 139, Issue 4, November 2024, pp. 2579–2635) – provides solid evidence backed by state-of-the-art econometric analysis to refute all those types of criticisms.
As important it provides the evidential basis to justify government job creation programs in the modern period.
It is a long article and uses sophisticated statistical and econometric techniques.
I will leave those details out of what follows and interested parties can read the details for themselves.
The study focused on:
… what New Deal programs did for individual beneficiaries, particularly over their lifetimes.
This is interesting because not much attention has been focused on the long-term effects on individuals who participated in the program.
There are many studies that focus on the aggregate benefits – more jobs etc – or the infrastructure that was generated as above.
But this study conducts:
… the first lifetime evaluation of the largest federal youth employment program in U.S. history created to address high youth unemployment during the Great Depression: the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) …
(it provides) … the first estimates of the lifetime effects of a New Deal program on individual beneficiaries …
The ‘lifetime’ focus is the novelty of this study and allows us to more clearly reject the revisionist claims that there were no “longer-term benefits for the individuals concerned’.
The 3 million-odd workers employed in the CCC represented “one-third of all men aged 17–24” at the time.
It was thus a highly significant program.
It was obvious that the income generated assisted the families and created valuable legacy infrastructure.
But what were the longer-term impacts on the young individuals once they entered adulthood.
That is the question this study sought to answer.
The researchers used ‘matched records’ from the CCC enrolments and later Census data to investigate the ‘lifetime influence’.
By way of summary, their results are:
1. Training – there was some training offered by the CCC although most of the work was productively completed with minimal training.
The authors found:
… no short- or medium-run labor market benefits associated with job training in the CCC. With respect to lifetime outcomes, however, we find significant benefits associated with longer training. Those who spend one year in the CCC have 5.2% higher lifetime earnings, live about a year longer, claim benefits (disability or pensions) 0.4 years later in life, and have 10% lower rates of Social Security Disability Insurance (SSDI) claims.
The benefits are particularly pronounced for workers once they reached 55 years of age.
The authors argue that the program not only provided work at a time of need but also improved the long-term health of the workers, which, in turn, meant they were more productive over their lifetime.
The participants also became more mobile as a result of their increased skills.
The benefits thus were biased towards longer term outcomes notwithstanding the significant income boost the workers received when they were given work.
This is why the “results confirm that the effects of the program are much larger over the lifetime than in the short term”.
2. Interestingly:
… while these gains were substantial, we estimate that they may not have been large enough to fully compensate individuals for large losses associated with the Great Depression
The Great Depression was a massive event and the income and attendent losses by families were huge.
The study finds that the CCC only partly offset these losses, which is not a criticism of the Program but a reflection on the scale of the Depression.
These results are relevant for discussions today of public sector job creation programs which would be introduced when the scale of losses facing the families was smaller.
In that case, the significant benefits of such programs would not be up against major losses.
This research thus has great relevance for justifying why a program like the Job Guarantee is worth introducing.
3. The authors find that “the longer an enrollee trained, the longer he lived … The magnitudes imply that one more year of training increased the age at death by one year (roughly 1.3% of 73.6 years of life). Given that the average duration was 9.85 months, the program increased age at death by 0.8 years for the average enrollee.”
4. One of the major benefits was improved health, which only became obvious as the worker aged.
The authors noted that “the benefits of the program in terms of mortality are not apparent until after individuals reach mature ages … health gains in childhood and young adulthood only manifest themselves in older ages when health starts to decline, and the least healthy individuals die.
5. The participants were also less likely to claim welfare benefits including disability pensions in later life “suggesting CCC men were in better health, retired later, and lived longer.”
They conclude that “Overall, we find that CCC participation improves income and health in the long run as measured by delayed benefit claiming, reduced SSDI claiming, and greater longevity.”
6. The participants also became more educated – “a combination of additional schooling completed as part of the CCC and schooling obtained after discharge from the CCC. CCC reports indicate that 8% of men obtained additional schooling during the program.”
7. The participants became more substantially geographically mobile relative to the national average.
The results show that “when CCC men moved, they moved to locations with higher paying weekly or annual wages (as of 1940) and lower mortality, measured by the median county level mortality from 1950 to 1968.”
Implications
The detailed and innovative empirical research finds considerable long-term benefits from the CCC program, which complements other research that has found similar outcomes for the modern Jobs Corps program.
As noted above they found that “those who participated in the program for 1 more year lived 0.96 years longer … and their earnings were 5.2% higher. While these benefits are substantial, they suggest that the program may not in fact have fully compensated affected youth.”
The important point they make is that:
… modern recessions have resulted in much smaller increases in unemployment, suggesting that such a program would compensate enrollees.
Further, they consider the Marginal Value of Public Funds or MVPF which is the ratio of the policy benefits to the recipients to the net cost to government.
This is a standard tool which allows policy makers assess the long-term effectiveness of their policy interventions.
The cost measure is biased because it assumes the ‘costs’ are captured by the reported public outlays.
In fact, the only relevant costs of a government program are the extra real resources that are consumed as a result of the spending.
But leaving that aside and using the author’s logic (which is mainstream) and the fact that the authors did not include benefits to the families, communities, or landscape, but only focused on the individuals involved, they find a MVPF of 6.
What does that mean?
So for every $1 outlaid the total societal benefits were around $6 over the lifetime of the participant.
This is quite a high MVPF.
Conclusion
Research such as this helps to redress the constant diatribes from conservatives who assert that government programs are disastrous, unnecessary and deliver no long-term benefits.
The facts are fairly clear in the case of the CCC program – the workers enjoyed improved lives for the duration of those lives relative to those who did not participate.
A program like the Job Guarantee could be designed to deliver even great long-term benefits that were found by the authors for the CCC.
That is enough for today!
(c) Copyright 2024 William Mitchell. All Rights Reserved.
MMT’s Job Guarantee is insulting to workers.
In my opinion Universal Basic Income with free equipment & training provided for ecological projects is much less patronising and would probably work better because then people could organise themselves locally without having to answer to authority. Neoliberalism has proven just how harmful authority is.
There are a lot of people that can’t find work due to health issues or other barriers beyond their control.
For this reason, I find MMT applying the term unskilled to those people both insensitive and insulting.
Rather than force people to be compatible with a system we need a system compatible with a more diverse range of people.
The JG much like the current system forces people to comply with a system that for many is simply not compatible or even detrimental to their well-being.
Bit off topic, but
The ABC’s Ian Verrender, in an article on the US election, continues to push the notion that
“Incredibly, neither candidate has addressed the country’s biggest economic problem; its rapidly growing debt and the difficulty of reining it in.
Instead, both plan to significantly add to it.”
https://www.abc.net.au/news/2024-11-05/what-a-trump-administration-means-for-the-global-economy/104556854
Alan Dunn,
Those people you’re concerned about Alan aren’t the target of the JG, notwithstanding they could be beneficiaries indirectly via better transport arrangements.
Just looking at CofFee’s 2008 local government survey, the JG is emphatically aimed at the low/unskilled unemployed person.
That said, its parameters seem flexible enough that I daresay even disabled people (or “differently-abled” as a profoundly disabled acquaintance of mine prefers) could be accommodated.
Dear Matthew Hoare (at 2024/11/05 at 6:49 am)
Thanks for your comment.
Might I ask where is the nominal price anchor in your system?
And because you reject an employment buffer as the anchor, you have only one other choice – for the government to use unemployment as the inflation control.
Back to neoliberalism I am afraid with that approach.
All the best
bill
Professor Mitchell,
I thought MMT used tax for inflation control? Why would UBI change that?
Does minimum wage work as a price anchor?
Thanks for your response.
@Matthew T Hoare
It is certainly not my place to answer on Prof Mitchell’s behalf, but he has written a lot about the subject of the UBI, even on this blog. You can check out the relevant content using:
https://billmitchell.org/blog/?s=UBI
@Matthew T Hoare Professor Mitchell has written lots on this previously in this blog, which provides a search function for previous blogs. This is Part 1 of I think 5, that he wrote in 2013 on buffer stocks and price stability. https://billmitchell.org/blog/?p=23578
“Does minimum wage work as a price anchor?”
No, because minimum wage only applies to people who are awarded jobs.
In western societies these days, the de facto minimum wage is 0/hour, paid to people who can’t get work. You could claim that’s an anchor …
Matthew: I can tell you what is insulting to workers – unemployment and living below the poverty line. I can’t see how a guaranteed job at a minimum living wage is in any way insulting in a world where, without a Job Guarantee (JG), some unemployment is a guarantee.
The less said about a Universal Basic Income (UBI), the better. It would be disastrous. Apart from paying a basic income to billionaires (which I find insulting), it would result in a mass withdrawal of labour. Who’s going to produce all the stuff we would be able to claim with our UBI without having to work to produce it? Goods and services do not fall from the sky! The hyperinflationary effect of a UBI would be such that a central government would have to raises taxes to such an extent to quell inflation that what would be left of the UBI would no longer serve as a ‘basic income’. UBI proponents reveal their lack of understanding of some basic macroeconomic principles when they overlook this. On top of this, unemployment is one of the main causes of mental illness. Does anyone believe that a UBI is going to help a socially alienated, drug-abusing, mentally ill, long-term unemployed person living a community with many people in the same predicament? I don’t think so.
Authority leads to cases of abuse/bullying in the private and public sectors. It is an acute problem that needs to be dealt with, but dealing with it is not a reason to forego a JG.
Alan: The JG is not designed to force people with disabilities (inability to work) into the workforce. A disability support pension would be offered to people who qualify for it, and the payment should be set at the same level as the JG.
On the JG: I’m a great believer in the JG as a means of achieving and maintaining full employment without accelerating the rate of price inflation. I also believe the NAIRU is a real thing, since a non-existent NAIRU assumes that all available factors of production exactly match production requirements, which is absurd. The NAIRU may be difficult to estimate, but what isn’t?
I believe that unemployment above the NAIRU should be eliminated through expansion of the conventional public sector at market prices (award wages for labour), since it imposes no accelerating inflation risk. Why needlessly employ some people on a minimum wage? The JG should only be invoked to employ unemployed labour between the NAIRU and the frictional unemployment rate. Thus, as unemployed people walk into Full Employment offices, they should be directed to the conventional public sector job queue. As some inflationary pressure mounts, we’d soon find out the approximate rate of the NAIRU. At this point, unemployed people should be directed to the JG queue.
In countries like Australia, full employment and low inflation was the norm in the 1950s and 1960s, which suggests that the NAIRU was not much higher than the frictional unemployment rate. The NAIRU is much higher these days, but it needn’t be. The higher NAIRU is the result of the private sector abdicating its training responsibilities and young people flooding into universities to study degrees (many of which are useless) to remain at the front of job queues, not to provide them with the skills needed to perform many of the jobs on offer today. The term ‘skills shortage’, which we hear so often, was one previously reserved for Third World countries lacking training and educational facilities. Now countries like Australia appallingly rob poor countries of their most productive people. There is no reason why the NAIRU could not be lowered again to something near the frictional unemployment rate, which would mean that only a small number of people would need to be employed under a JG scheme.
If a JG was introduced, it would clearly be important for JG workers to do something useful, which wouldn’t be a difficult assignment – there are endless useful things that idle people could be doing. Some people see the JG as an opportunity to do important and essential things currently not being done, many of which have public goods characteristics. I don’t agree with this. If something is essential, it should be done in place of something trivial. If forced to make a choice, would you prefer a publicly provided hospital bed in case you get sick (or one for your aging parent or grandparent), or a third flat-screen TV? (I’ve even seen TVs on bathroom walls!) I’d prefer to see a campaign arguing for a diversion of some resources currently being allocated to the private sector to expand the conventional public sector – starting with an increase in public housing – and a JG to employ unemployed people lacking required work skills and provide them with appropriate training to help keep the NAIRU as low as possible.
Mel: people who don’t have jobs would live off the UBI. Isn’t that the point?
Philip Lawn: a “mass withdrawal of labour” sounds like just what we need, given that +3.1°C now looks likely and the biosphere is collapsing.
Dear Matthew T Hoare (at 2024/11/05 at 4:50 pm)
Thanks for your response.
That fact that you asked whether the minimum wage acts as a price anchor reveals to me that you haven’t fully understood the difference between an unemployment buffer stock system (the current mainstream) and the employment buffer stock alternative (the Job Guarantee) in terms of the type of price anchor that is used by government.
The UBI price anchor is unemployment – the current mainstream, which in my view is much more pernicious for workers than using an employment buffer stock.
I would read more widely on the differences if I was you before I accused me of advocating policies that are “insulting” to workers.
All the best
bill
You still don’t get it Matthew. People like you intrigue me. If you think paid work is insulting and don’t like authority, fine. You are free to drop out of mainstream society, organise like-minded people locally, and be free of paid work and authority. But that’s not enough for people like you. You also want a UBI so you can claim goods and services produced by people who will have to perform what you describe as the insulting jobs and be subject to abusive authority. You want your cake, and you want to eat it as well. You also believe that if a lot of people drop out like you (in fact, it’s what you are advocating), there will still be a large quantity of goods and services available to purchase with your UBI, as if they will simply fall from the sky into supermarket shelves! A recipe for hyperinflation.
Humans are social creatures. Society has an obligation to ensure every member willing to make a contribution toward society gets the opportunity to do so and, in a monetary economy, be able to claim the minimum quantity of goods and services needed to live happy, healthy, peaceful, and meaningful lives. But every individual has an obligation to contribute to the bounty distributed by society. It’s called reciprocity – a social contract.
Sadly, neoliberalism has resulted in society abdicating its responsibilities to its individual members while allowing some individuals to acquire absurd financial claims on real wealth that far exceed the contribution they make towards it. Advocating the opposite – where the individual abdicates his/her responsibility to contribute towards society’s bounty yet can claim a portion of the bounty with a UBI – is not a solution. By all means drop out and contribute to your local community’s bounty and claim some of it using whatever rules of distribution you all agree on. But don’t then ask the community you don’t want to be part of and don’t wish to contribute towards to dole out some its bounty to you. And that includes roads, electricity poles and wires, public hospitals, etc.
I’m sorry if this sounds a bit personal. But I’m steaming because it appears Donald Trump is going to win the US Federal election – a result that is decades in the making thanks to the complete ineptitude of the Left everywhere. The Left are completely unqualified to speak on behalf of the planet, the underprivileged, and future generations. It’s time they moved aside. They are as much a reason for the mess humankind is in as anyone. And all I’m hearing from the American PBS station is how the Democrats might learn from a failed election campaign! The hubris of the Left knows no bounds.
@ Philip Lawn
Wise words. A UBI in the current socio-economic model would exacerbate division and wealth inequality and entrench the notion of underclass and the idle, although, and with respect to a distant relative, there is much praise to be offered for the latter.
That is not to say I am against a Universal Income – but it would only work when there is parity and equality – and where there are limits to individual wealth. Can you imagine a world where people are not incentivised by money? Probably not.
How do we level the field? I suspect that is already happening only we don’t realise that yet. Mother Nature has a very different way of working than we do. But we could and arguably should consider pre-empting what will inevitably follow anyway. You could introduce a new global non-transferable currency as a transitional measure, but perhaps it is time to consider designing a model of living that doesn’t have money running through the foundations of society and ruining every aspect of our lives.
We do need a collaborative society where we are all working together, to the best of our ability. Some will be able to contribute more than others; that has always been the case, but they can be rewarded in more ways that simply giving them money.
Professor Mitchell: thank you for the advice, I shall read further. Plainly I have much to learn 🙂
Philip Lawn: my point is that the current rampant over-production that is inherent to the capitalism cannot continue for very much longer and we do need to find a way to live on the planet that does not destroy it, which will mean a vast reduction in the amount of stuff made and thus a commensurate reduction in the demand for labour. My vision of the future would be somewhat like lockdown but with people still able to socialise, and in fact that socialisation would replace economic activity as the very basis for our society. But perhaps I’m a hopeless optimist.